Sharon Claydon (Newcastle, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

Before the Federation Chamber considers the first portfolio, I want to remind all members of the purpose of the consideration in detail stage and outline the way it is expected to proceed so that we are all on the same page. Earlier today, the House agreed to a resolution setting the order and timing for the consideration of portfolios. Any variation to this order and timing can only be made by a motion moved by a minister. Consideration in detail is the debate, and the call will be alternated between government and non-government members, as always. Even though this debate sometimes takes the form of questions and answers, this is not question time. Ministers and government backbench members will both be considered as speakers for the government's turn and should bear this in mind when they seek the call. Members are required to be relevant to the portfolio being examined, but there is no requirement for direct relevance to any questions asked.

Given the time limits applied to each portfolio, it might be practical for ministers to respond to more than one speaker when they seek the call. Each minister and member will have up to five minutes to speak each time they are called, but they may wish to speak for a shorter time. Ministers may wish to speak first and make an introductory statement when the debate on their portfolio begins, but that is a matter for them to decide. Members will be aware of the terms of the resolution providing dates and times, after which the questions to agree to expenditure on each portfolio will be put, if debate does not conclude earlier. To avoid confusion, when these times are reached, a member who is speaking will be allowed to continue their remarks, but chairs are obligated to put the question immediately at the conclusion of the member's speech, and no further debate will be permitted.

Finally, I want to remind advisers to members and ministers who may be in the room in the roped-off gallery places that they must only be accessed through the doors adjacent to the gallery, not through the doors reserved for members, and that they may not intrude onto the floor of the Federation Chamber at any time. I want you all to understand this. This is exactly the same rule that operates in the other chamber. Nobody but elected members are on the floor debating at any time. If, for some reason, an adviser needs to seek the attention of members or ministers, we won't be tolerating calling out from the sidelines. There are attendants here that you can get messages to and from, or you can go across to the gallery and talk to your advisers yourselves; that's fine.

Education Portfolio

Proposed expenditure, $1,444,249,000

Angie Bell (Moncrieff, Liberal National Party, Shadow Minister for Youth) | Link to this | Hansard source

During my 2024 consideration-in-detail speech as shadow minister for early childhood education and care, my opening line was this: 'It's been two years, three budgets and I haven't met a single Australian who is better off under Labor.' Here we are in the same position, on the same downhill spiral under this government, and the question is: are Australians safer and are they more secure than they were when Labor took office? The answer is a categorical no, because the reality is Australians always suffer under Labor.

They can see through the thinly veiled lies and the carefully crafted messages from Labor's best spin doctors. Labor promised cheaper power, more homes, free visits to the doctor and lower taxes. But power prices continue to skyrocket, housing is more unaffordable than ever, out-of-pocket costs—well, they're normal now, and new taxes are on the table. So it's no wonder Australians feel disappointed in their prime minister, and rightly so. Australians expect better from their prime minister. They expect more, and they have every single right to feel let down.

Like many Australians, I'm deeply concerned about quality and about safety in our early learning centres. It seems like every night we turn on the news there's a fresh example of alleged abuse or safety failures in our early learning centres. Just last week a centre in Sydney's south-west was shut down amid alleged safety concerns. I will put on the record, however, that I do acknowledge the work of the minister and recognise the bipartisanship that has been demonstrated over recent months. While the minister may have met with his state and territory counterparts to agree on a plan, it's concerning to see the level to which these poor examples of child safety have been allowed to spiral out of control before the government acknowledged that there was a problem and that a solution was needed. We simply cannot have a weak system where bad and evil people can find vulnerabilities to cause irreparable harm to children. Parents have lost faith in this government.

Whilst the coalition does support the government's approach to these child safety reforms, some big questions remain. How will the minister ensure each measure is implemented to ensure consistency across all states and territories? And who will be footing the bill? Something needs to be done now to protect our littlest learners, our most precious assets, and ensure they have a safe environment in which to thrive.

Families are not just waiting for this government to ensure their own children's safety. They are still waiting for this government to provide some relief by bringing down the increasing cost of early childhood education and care, which has continued to rise and rise and rise under this government. In June, the Daily Telegraph reported that nearly 20 suburbs in New South Wales alone were spending more than 40 per cent of their household income on child care. It's no surprise that these suburbs are deemed regional, rural or remote, because Labor does not care about those communities. The government love to talk about no Australian being worse off under them, no child being left behind and how important access to early learning is for children and their parents, but what they conveniently forget to tell you is that those statements don't apply to those who live in regional, rural or remote areas.

We know that, in many cases, children living in our regional areas are more likely to start developmentally behind when compared to children living in our major cities, yet this government has no plans to support children and their families in regional areas. With fees continuing to skyrocket and accessibility even more scarce, how does this government plan to deliver cost-of-living relief to families accessing early childhood education? What plans do you have to increase access for these families across Australia who are stuck on waiting lists? What about families in regional, rural and remote communities struggling to pay their bills? What's your plan to ensure the safety of our littlest learners when they're in care? You've killed the Australian dream of owning a home. You've crushed small business. You're draining our regions dry, and you continue to provide no certainty to families. Australians deserve better than this half-baked and underwhelming Albanese Labor government.

Claire Clutterham (Sturt, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

Education lifts people out of poverty. It teaches people to think critically and think for themselves how to identify and solve a problem. It gets people ready to participate in the workforce to build our communities and country. Together with health, it is the single most important factor in building the foundations of a productive economy. A healthy population underpins a healthy economy, and that healthy economy can stretch, grow and become more productive with an educated workforce. Providing opportunities for all Australians to obtain a meaningful education will always be a feature of Labor governments, and the Albanese Labor government is no exception.

We know that it's important that quality education begins in early childhood and extends through primary school and high school and on to tertiary education, TAFE, VET and apprenticeship programs. Education is a lifelong endeavour, and cementing opportunities for lifelong learning must always be a priority. I see the fruits of the Albanese Labor government's significant educational reforms almost every day when I'm out and about in my great electorate of Sturt. Home to 44 public, private and independent primary and high schools, the people of Sturt value education. The northern part of Sturt is also home to the Gilles Plains TAFE, which I have visited several times to speak to education professionals and students about the emphasis that this government has placed on TAFE and VET.

This institution is thriving under the leadership of Fiona Champion, Executive Director of Students, Strategic Planning and Policy. Fiona introduced me to several students, including Rachel, an enthusiastic enrolled nursing student in her mid-40s. Rachel had spent the better part of her 20s, 30s and early 40s raising her four children and then wanted to do something for herself and her community. Rachel explained to me that it was only through the government's free TAFE program that she could take this step because she and her husband couldn't afford for her to stop working and pay tuition. For Rachel, it is simply not true that you don't value something if you don't pay for it. The depth of Rachel's gratitude for the opportunity presented to her was clear. She deeply valued the education she was receiving and was determined to repay this through service to her fellow Australians as an enrolled nurse. And the, there are the other students who will go on to complete paid practical placements as part of their studies, including eligible teaching, midwifery, nursing and social work students. They will all benefit from the Commonwealth's paid prac placement system.

At the other end of the spectrum is this government's investment in building a universal early childhood education system. We know you can't grow it without workers, which is why the government's 15 per cent pay rise for early childhood educators was so critical. When you have skilled workers who are motivated to stay in the industry because they are being paid a proper wage, you can fulfil your belief that every child has the right to go to an early childhood education centre. The government's three-day guarantee, which will replace the current activity test from January 2026, ensures that every child is guaranteed access to at least three days of high-quality early education. It is not unfair or divisive to provide this opportunity for children, who do not decide where they are born, how much their parents earn or what their parents have the capacity to do from a work perspective. Children don't decide these things. Governments need to provide frameworks for access to quality education from an early age, which is what this government is doing. Once children progress to primary school, they will benefit from the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement, which will see the Commonwealth increase its contribution to the schooling resource standard, which equates to an extra $16.5 billion to public schools over a decade.

As a product of Australia's public school system, I am very proud of this commitment. I'm especially proud that it's not a blank cheque and that the onus will be on schools to implement reforms with respect to school attendance, student health, individualised support for students, and teacher retention and recruitment. This will be especially important in STEM subjects, where the government will also invest $7 million to expand STEM initiatives in schools. Targeted opportunities for all Australians—that is the educational present this government is determined to champion and the educational future this government is determined to build.

Zoe McKenzie (Flinders, Liberal Party, Shadow Assistant Minister for Mental Health) | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak on Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 in relation to education. I'm slightly disappointed to see that we don't have the Minister for Education here. I was looking forward to a conversation. Nevertheless, one of the most important things we do in this place is set overarching principles for Australia's education system, from child care and early learning through to schooling, vocational and higher education, and postgraduate research. High-quality education builds knowledge, develops character, perspective, confidence and purpose, and enables individuals to meet their potential.

The coalition's basic starting point is to recognise that each student is different and unique in needs, capability and aspiration, but that equal opportunity must be afforded to each student. We also recognise the right of each family and, indeed, each student to choose what education modality is right for them. One size fits all does not produce optimum outcomes for either the students themselves or the systems we seek to oversee and improve.

That choice is nowhere near as important as it is in the sphere of early learning. We believe Australian families should be able to make their own choices to best support their children and each family's needs and circumstances. I want to recognise the minister for much of the work he has been doing in relation to child safety in early education and care so far this term. I am grateful for the collaboration that has been on display in this place over recent months. That gratitude extends to his personal team and to his departmental team led by Secretary Tony Cook PSM.

Recent reports of child abuse have precipitated combined attention, work and progress across the political divide towards better outcomes for child safety in child care. The strengthening child safety and quality in ECEC reforms proposed at the minister's meeting in August are a step in the right direction, but the real test will be the actual implementation of measures to protect kids in child care and improve the quality of education and care.

The coalition supports the government's direction in this, but key questions remain. For example, Minister, who will be paying for these improvements in the long term? Who is responsible for the delivery of each individual measure? How will the system work in practice to ensure that every educator is covered, checked and supported in the execution of the new accountabilities we have placed on their shoulders?

Moving beyond early childhood, the shortage of qualified primary and secondary school teachers is placing immense pressure on Australian schools, students and teachers themselves. Teachers are leaving not just because of workload demands but also because of the difficulty in managing student behaviour. Out of 80 OECD countries, Australia ranks 71st when it comes to classroom discipline, and our results are tanking. Globally, we have failed in maths, science and reading. NAPLAN results show that one in 10 Australian students require additional support today.

Our results are particularly concerning for boys. In year 9, only 82 per cent of boys meet the minimum writing standard in NAPLAN compared to 91 per cent of girls. This is a trend of declining literacy that I first raised in my maiden speech in this place three years ago. Boys are falling behind. Some 23 years ago my then boss, the Minister for Education, Science and Training, Brendan Nelson, hit the alarm button after the parliamentary report Boys: getting it right showed that fewer boys than girls completed high school, more girls were entering university, more boys were being suspended for disciplinary reasons, and literacy rates and numeracy rates for girls were much higher than they were for boys. Almost a quarter of a century later things are still worse for boys, not better. So I asked the minister: What is being done to restore safe learning environments for teachers and students? What is he doing to fix the shortage of over 4,000 secondary teachers in 2025? As an immediate priority, what actions has he taken to lift literacy standards among boys?

Finally, on the topic of ensuring the next generation is equipped for the future, our society is in the midst of a technological revolution led by AI. In the last parliament, the House Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training made a number of critical recommendations regarding the appropriate use of generative AI in the Australian education system. Disappointingly, the government has still not responded. AI is now well embedded in our world of work and our education system, but we are in real danger of generative AI preparing the curriculum, setting the exam, sitting the exam and marking the exam, without a whole lot of learning going on in between. Fields such as law, accounting, data entry, design and media, which thousands of Australians graduate in from our universities every year, are amongst the most exposed to AI disruption. Meanwhile, trades and technical roles, which are critical to our economy and far less susceptible to automation, are struggling to attract and retain apprentices. It is a fact that there are 107,000 fewer apprentices now than when this government came in— (Time expired)

Renee Coffey (Griffith, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

In my first speech as a new member of parliament, earlier this year, I explained that I am Labor because I believe in the primacy of education and its power to transform lives. As our Minister for Education, Jason Clare, shared, 'education is the great equaliser in an unequal world'. I know this to be true because I have seen it in action. I have seen in my career that a quality education is what gives every child the chance to thrive, no matter where they grew up. In my community—from Bulimba to Holland Park and Carina to West End—parents, teachers and young people across my electorate of Griffith tell me that education is at the heart of their hopes for the future. That's why the Albanese Labor government is continuing to build a better and fairer education system, from early childhood and schools to higher education.

We know the best start begins with early education. Early education is important because it establishes critical foundations for a child's future success, laying the groundwork for cognitive, social, emotional, physical and creative development during a period of rapid brain growth. Having been a working mum of two young boys, I know firsthand the struggle of paying for the best quality early education and care for our little people while trying to make up for lost salaries and readjust to a job and career following periods of parental leave. In Griffith, families are benefiting from Labor's cheaper childcare policy, which is saving the average family around $7,400 a year—that's real cost-of-living relief—and, from January 2026, every child will have access to at least three days of high-quality early education under our three-day guarantee. This is about making sure that every child in Griffith, no matter their family circumstances, gets the best start.

For too long public schools were left behind. My two boys attend our small local state school. It's a place of wonder, exploration, discovery and learning. The school is supported by a remarkable school leadership team, and my boys' learning is facilitated by some of the best, most dedicated teachers in the world. But, having sat on the school council of this small state school, I had too often seen the principal forced to choose between paying for new literacy resources for the little school library or the plumber to unlock the P-3 toilets or the contractor to complete drainage repairs or the pest exterminator to deal with the persistent rodent problem, or for essential upgrades to our outdoor safety lighting.

Our hardworking P&C parents across the country work hard, selling raffle tickets, trivia tables, second-hand uniforms and salad wraps to make up the shortfall—and we have done a very good job over so many years. As one of my handprinted corflutes during the campaign said: school mums get stuff done! I acknowledge the work and dedication of our P&C parents the country over for all that you do and the teachers and the school leaders who invest their own money in classroom resources to ensure our kids don't miss out. It's exhausting but essential work to ensure our public schools aren't left behind due to shortfalls in funding.

Labor is changing that. We're investing an additional $2.8 billion in Queensland's state schools over the next 10 years, putting every public school on the path to full and fair funding. Griffith is home to 45 schools, and many are already seeing the benefits of our targeted investments. Through the Schools Upgrade Fund, we've delivered over $100,000 in local school infrastructure upgrades, including for Camp Hill State Infants and Primary School, Whites Hill State College and Dutton Park State School. This critical funding is helping schools improve facilities, build pride in their communities and give students the learning environments they deserve.

We're also making higher education fairer and more accessible. In Griffith, almost 32,000 people have a HECS debt, and, thanks to Labor's reforms, they will see an average cut of $6,392 each. For someone on $70,000, repayments have dropped around $1,300 a year. We're also supporting students through the Commonwealth prac payment, so those studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work can afford to complete their placements.

More than 20 years ago, when I was studying at university for the first time, I undertook a Bachelor of Arts and a bachelor of education degree at the University of Queensland. My intention was to graduate and become a teacher. However, when it came time to do my final prac, it meant giving up work for six weeks, and that was not something that I could afford. I graduated with only my arts degree, and it was many years before I was able to save up, go back to university and finish my teaching qualification. Paid prac is a policy I have advocated for inside the Labor Party, and now with these changes we are able to support people studying these absolutely essential professions.

Education is the single greatest investment we can make in our children, in our economy and in our future. For Griffith, this means cheaper child care, better resourced schools, fairer student debt and paid prac placements. When we invest in education, we invest in a stronger, fairer future for Griffith and for Australia.

Sam Birrell (Nicholls, National Party, Shadow Assistant Minister for Regional Health) | Link to this | Hansard source

I echo the disappointment that was expressed by the member for Flinders that the minister's not here to listen to these questions and answer them. It works better that way. There are some persistent structural challenges that demand our attention in the education sphere. The first one I want to raise is the Better and Fairer Schools (Funding and Reform) Act, which allowed for increased school funding under the school funding model that the coalition introduced to implement the Gonski reforms, specifically the Schooling Resource Standard. Labor's legislation last year effectively enabled the Commonwealth to increase its contribution to public schooling from 20 per cent to 25 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard by 2034. The Commonwealth's contribution of 80 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard to Catholic and independent schools continues. However, despite announcements spanning many photo ops between July 2024 and March 2025, concerns remain about the school funding. The Victorian government has not yet signed the bilateral agreement, so the 'full funding' language is misleading due to the heavy back ending of funding agreements with the states and territories.

An analysis released by Save Our Schools last week concludes that public schools remain below the 100 per cent of Schooling Resource Standard in each year, including 2034, except in the ACT. Minister, when will Victoria sign its bilateral agreement so that additional funding can flow to the Victorian public school students? Is it true that, even in 2034, all public school systems, except those in the ACT, will not be receiving 100 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard?

In relation to university sustainability, the government has invested a lot of time in talking to universities. It could be the most heavily consulted sector in Australia since the Albanese government came to power. But I ask: After four budgets, are universities stronger today than they were four years ago? Are universities better governed or more financially sustainable? Are students receiving a higher quality degree, or is university research output of a higher quality? There is also the commitment to fee-free TAFE places annually. But I also ask: do we need free TAFE or a better TAFE system?

The NAPLAN results underscore the persistent performance issues, especially in remote and regional education. Students in regional and especially very remote areas are much less likely to achieve strong or exceeding proficiency standards. Over one in three students in regional or remote areas fail to meet proficiency levels. The 2025-26 review of the Measurement Framework for Schooling in Australia represents an opportunity to develop indicators beyond NAPLAN, including student engagement and learning progression measures. An improved national data set gives us a lot of potential to address the educational challenges, including student refusal, teacher shortages and declining participation rates.

In relation to teacher shortages, much more needs to be done to tackle workforce shortages in primary and secondary schools, and solving regional workforce shortages can be even more challenging. It requires some bespoke methods. I want to mention a few. Nexus is a program run by La Trobe University that encourages people with undergraduate degrees and experience in different professions to then fast track a masters degree of teaching while working in a classroom environment. I recently visited Cobram Secondary College in my electorate and spent time in the classroom with the inspiring Carly Marriott, who was looking for a meaningful career change that allowed her to stay connected with her community. She teaches business management, and the students benefit not only from the stuff she's learnt from her masters of teaching but from her career before she entered the classroom.

Prior to coming to this place, my job was the CEO of the Committee for Greater Shepparton, and employees would come to me saying, 'We can't find the young people with the skills and training opportunities to take our businesses forward.' In 2019 I applied for a Churchill Fellowship to look at this in Germany, UK, Finland and Sweden. I saw a vocational education system that was far more impressive than what we have here in TAFE, and it was much more linked to the business community, particularly in Germany.

While I've got a few more moments, I'd like to talk about what I think needs to be a growth in regional education. I'm the beneficiary of a degree in agricultural science from Dookie, which is the regional campus of the University of Melbourne, and also an MBA, which I got at La Trobe's regional campus in Shepparton. We need to spend more time and more money taking education into the regions so that people's postcode is not a barrier to them receiving education across Australia. That can be done with a more focused effort on balancing the needs of tertiary education in the metropolitan areas with those of the regions.

David Smith (Bean, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

It is with a great sense of satisfaction that I rise to speak on the Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2025, specifically those parts of the bill which impact the education responsibilities of the Commonwealth government. I feel great satisfaction to talk about the education portions of the bill because this government, the Albanese government, has a proven track record of expanding educational opportunities for all Australians. It has always been the Labor way. I acknowledge my friend the education minister, the member for Blaxland, for his dedication and delivery in this very important portfolio space.

One of the most important things that we needed to do when we returned to government back in 2022 was take a serious look at the funding for public schools across Australia. We had a situation where every non-government school in Australia was fully funded but government schools were not. This obviously created a significant equity gap for children across Australia, limiting the education outcomes for millions of children. I've heard this firsthand from teachers and school leaders, as well as how important meeting this gap was, and I know that the minister received similar feedback right across the country. We will address this gap through the Better and Fairer Schools agreements. These agreements will increase the Commonwealth government's contribution to the schooling resource standard. These agreements with the states and territories constitute the biggest new investments for public schools by any Australian government ever. Over 10 years, the government will commit an additional $16.5 billion in funding to our public schools. This will put every public school across the country on the pathway to receiving full funding.

Make no mistake; this is going to be transformative for the lives of children across the nation. It will open new doors and create new opportunities for their futures. That's what this government is all about, and I'm very proud of this important change. Alongside this funding will come new educational reforms that the government has secured for students, important changes which will secure the educational outcomes that the additional funding promises. This includes year 1 phonics and early years numeracy checks. The mandatory inclusion of phonics and early years numeracy checks is an important way of looking after the basics, making sure that our kids are off on the right path on their educational journey.

We're also including, as part of the funding support, more support for the attraction and retention of teachers. It is no secret that we have a teacher crisis right across Australia. Not enough people want to become teachers, and not enough teachers want to remain in the profession. This is felt across the full spectrum of schools but felt acutely within government schools. There are many forces which contribute to this crisis, but only government can address it. I am pleased that our government will include measures to address this crisis within our broader support for public schools.

Alongside these important changes, we will also be increasing the support that children receive along the journey through supporting small group tutoring, more mental health supports and greater individualised support for students. Our Better and Fairer Schools Agreement is an important step to bring greater equality of opportunity to all Australians. Combined with our investments in TAFE and the university sector, including in regional hubs—there will be one in my electorate, on Norfolk Island—our investments in early education are great examples of what this government is all about, providing opportunities for all at whatever stage of their education journey they might be at.

Tom Venning (Grey, Liberal Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

Education and skills are the foundation of both opportunity and national prosperity, and I'm not talking about the law and arts degrees that litter the halls of Canberra and the electoral offices of this government. I'm talking about the vocational and technical skills that drive economies, spark innovation and build the productivity that underpins great societies. Every investment we make in education pays dividends in productivity and social cohesion, and a strong education system is what makes Australia not just a lucky country but a smart one.

But I rise today because the promise of education is not being delivered equally. Students in regional South Australia face barriers that city students do not—distance, staffing shortages and limited access to specialised subjects. It is not fair. It is not equal. Put simply, the arts, law and politics students in inner-city Melbourne who will go on to join their union and work for the Labor Party for the rest of their lives have it much easier than the young regional Aussie battlers who want to learn a trade or upskill to be able to get a job that pays fairly.

An honourable member: Free TAFE.

I'm getting there. Teachers in the regions deserve the same professional support and access to resources as those in metropolitan areas, yet too often they are left to do more with less. Connectivity and technology remain real barriers. The digital divide isn't a slogan; it's a lived reality. There are still communities, like the District Council of Elliston, that are not even connected to the NBN. It is 2025. Imagine if the Minister for Early Childhood Education in her office in Lygon Street in Brunswick East didn't have the NBN. How on earth would staffers be able to read digital versions of the Guardian and the ABC online?

For many rural families, access to secondary or tertiary education comes at an enormous cost. Boarding fees can exceed more than $20,000 a year on top of tertiary expenses. That's a barrier city families don't face, and it's one more reason why too many young people leave our regions to pursue opportunities elsewhere. We need to make vocational pathways and apprenticeships every bit as respected as university degrees. Rebuilding TAFE and strengthening the links between schools, industries and training providers should be a national priority.

But instead this government seems to believe that simply making TAFE free will fix the problem, when only 25 per cent of TAFE students actually are finishing their courses. Giving something away for free doesn't increase its value. It totally decreases it. You don't need to be an economist to work that out. I've used this analogy before and I'll use it again. If you try to pump water to a community and you find there's a gaping hole in the pipe, do you (1) fix the hole or (2) just pump more water through the pipe? This government is buying a bigger TAFE pump and running on the maxed-out government credit card. Education policy must be aligned with the workforce planning and regional economic development, not run as a headline generator for the next press conference.

With respect to early childhood education, the earlier we invest the greater the return. Quality early learning has lifelong impacts, and yet, in my electorate of Grey, we have the worst access to child care in the entire country. I've mentioned the office of Senator Walsh, Minister for Early Childhood Education, and, let me tell you, the realities of early childhood education in my electorate could not be any further from leafy, leftie, latte Brunswick. Around one-third of families don't have access to child care at all, and, given this Labor-fuelled cost-of-living crisis where you need two incomes to raise a family, it is very difficult to employ young parents or even keep them in our regional towns. Access to early childhood education in small towns is patchy, with long waitlists, and the funding models must ensure the sustainability of rural childcare centres and kindergartens.

And let's not forget the basics. Literacy and numeracy must remain at the core of our education system, supported by evidence based teaching methods not ideologies. Before we can teach Billy from Brunswick about coding or AI, every child must first be able to read, write and count confidently.

A fair go starts in the classroom. Education isn't an expense. It's the most strategic investment we can make in Australia's future. Let's make sure that every Australian child, regardless of their postcode, whether they live in Port Augusta, Port Parham or Port Adelaide, has the same opportunity to learn, to grow and to thrive, because that's how we build not just a lucky country but a smart, fair and united one.

Trish Cook (Bullwinkel, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise today to speak on the Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 and to highlight the Albanese Labor government's profound commitment to building a better and fairer education system for all Australians. We on this side of the House understand a fundamental truth: education is the great enabler. It is the key that unlocks the door of opportunity, giving the next generation of Australians the very best start in life and equipping our nation for the challenges and complexities of the future.

Our vision for education is comprehensive; it starts with our youngest citizens. The Albanese government is committed to building a universal early childhood education and care system that is safe, affordable and accessible for every family. Our cheaper childcare policy is already delivering real cost-of-living relief for over a million Australian families. For the average family receiving the subsidy, this has cut out-of-pocket costs by about $7,000 compared to what they would ordinarily have paid. This stands in stark contrast to the legacy of those opposite, under whom childcare prices rocketed by 49 per cent in just four years.

We also recognise that a quality system is built by a quality workforce, which is why the 15 per cent pay rise for our dedicated early childhood educators is so vitally important. And we're going further; we're working towards a three-day guarantee, which will ensure that, as of January 2026, each child is guaranteed access to at least three days of high-quality early learning. It will give every Australian child the best possible start.

Then, as children move into their school years, our commitment continues. For too long our public schools have been left behind. When we came to government, no public school outside of the ACT was on a path to full and fair funding. Our Better and Fairer Schools Agreement changed that. This is the biggest new investment in public schools by an Australian government ever. An additional $16.5 billion over the next decade will put every single public school on a pathway to 100 per cent of its full and fair funding. But let me be clear: this is not a blank cheque. This funding is tied directly to reforms that we know will make a difference: more small-group tutoring to help students catch up, a focus on phonics and numeracy in the early years, and more mental health and individualised support where these are needed.

The commitment extends right through to higher education, where we're building a better and fairer system so that more Australians can have a crack at going to university and can succeed when they get there. We are taking decisive action to ease the burden of student debt. We have already wiped $3 billion in debt for three million Australians, ensuring that student debt can no longer grow faster than wages. Now, through legislation recently passed, we are wiping by 20 per cent the student debt of every Australian student with a HECS debt. This isn't some abstract national figure; this is real, tangible impact right in my electorate of Bullwinkel, where 13,000 students and graduates will benefit directly from this 20 per cent cut.

But we know that for many in regional Australia the biggest barrier to higher education is distance, and that's why our government is doubling the number of university study hubs, bringing university closer to where people live. I'm immensely proud that in Bullwinkel we are seeing the direct benefits of this policy. The Lumen Wheatbelt regional university study hub in York is already changing lives, and I'm thrilled that we'll soon be opening another hub in Northam, in the heart of the regional area of Bullwinkel. These hubs are not just buildings; they are gateways to opportunity, allowing local people to pursue their dreams without having to leave their homes and communities.

From cheaper child care for families and fair funding for our public schools to real relief from student debt and greater access to universities for regional Australians, the Labor government is delivering. And that's not to forget fee-free TAFE, financially supported apprenticeships and paid prac for teachers, nurses and social workers. I commend this bill to the House.

Ben Small (Forrest, Liberal Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

There is something seriously wrong with education in our country. Parents tell me that they're worried about the indoctrination of their kids with a woke ideology that conflicts with the very values that those parents are trying to instil in their kids. Local employers tell me that new graduates entering the workforce lack the skills that make someone employable today, let alone being equipped with the skills for the future.

Concerningly, these anecdotes are reflected in the data. One in three students in regional areas, like my seat of Forrest, are failing to meet proficiency levels in literacy and numeracy through NAPLAN testing, and PISA scores in the 2022 edition showed that Australia's international performance finally stopped declining only because education outcomes overseas went backwards. And yet as a nation we're spending more on education than ever before, to achieve these very poor outcomes. Minister, why do we persist with a national curriculum that demands so-called cross-curriculum priorities be taught alongside the primary subjects, when our students can't read and write reliably at the end of their schooling? Minister, why does Aboriginal history and culture have any place in a maths lesson? Minister, why does an English lesson prioritise a cross-curriculum priority of sustainability? Too many kids can't read or write, so, surely, common sense would demand greater focus on the basics of learning. But this government continues to prioritise indoctrination over education in our classrooms, and it is shameful.

I have parents in my electorate telling me that schools are permitting students to self-identify as animals, or so-called furries. They are wearing collars, audibly hissing and even scratching at fellow students, even though we see these appalling results in literacy and numeracy outcomes. To me, it is shameful that we are failing to prepare young Australians for a bright and productive future as members of our community whilst allowing those same young Australians to live under the delusion that they're cats. I'm a 'live and let live' kind of guy, but, surely, indoctrinating young people to accept and perpetuate a blatant lie because another person insists that it is 'their truth' is beyond the pale. Minister, how is this being allowed in our schools and classrooms today, and why can't teachers tell students that they're not cats?

Having spent some $16 billion of borrowed money to knock off some HECS debt in a one-off pork-barrel promise that is almost unprecedented in our history—money that tradies, waiters and barbers will need to pay back—we now need the minister to pony up and answer a very simple question: why was this policy such a good idea for a select few just before an election but isn't a good idea for the young Australians completing their final school exams across the country right now? Why do those kids need to pay full fare for their education when they will have to pay off the debt of their older peers in years to come simply because they had the misfortune to not have racked up any HECS debt just before a federal election?

In my view, too many young Australians are being pushed towards tertiary education when they'd be better suited to a vocational career, unlocked by an apprenticeship or a traineeship. Some of the most successful folks from my year 12 class are those who rolled up their sleeves and, after completing their apprenticeships, went on to build businesses, employ others and even create opportunities for new apprentices themselves. Some went back to tertiary education later in life, with some experience under their belt. We should predicate the Australian education system on what best enables Australians to become their best selves.

Instead, this government is not addressing the disconnect for those regional Australians who choose to complete a traineeship or an apprenticeship. Earlier this year, we saw Labor in WA make cuts to the overnight travel allowance that disproportionately affect regional apprentices. Amid a cost-of-living crisis, does the minister think it's fair that these hardworking young Australians who live regionally are being penalised for their decision to pursue vocational education? Has the minister addressed this inequality of opportunity for young regional Australians with his state Labor counterpart? It would cost just a fraction of what the minister just shovelled into reducing the HECS debts of tertiary students, who'll potentially earn much higher incomes.

Julian Hill (Bruce, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs) | Link to this | Hansard source

They weren't a very good government, and there's no sign that they'll be a very good opposition, but maybe they'll get better as the week goes on. I just want to respond to a few comments which have been made and, firstly, to thank the opposition, very genuinely, for their comments regarding the minister and the government's bipartisan work on child safety. Every child deserves to be safe in early childhood education and care, and every parent deserves to know that their children are safe. The media reports which were seen were shocking. They shocked every member of this parliament. We acknowledged there was more to do—that we all had more to do. And the government has acted. I thank the opposition speakers for acknowledging that.

There's the $189 million national child safety package, developed and agreed shoulder to shoulder with states and territories, to keep children safe in early learning. I acknowledge the commitment of the states and territories for more funding to improve the working-with-children check and regulators, with more compliance checks. New legislation has been passed, so we can cut funding from services not up to scratch. And we're now using those powers, with 37 services under investigation.

I acknowledge some of the sensible contributions, but I am worried about the opposition's collective amnesia and lack of contact with reality. I'll quote the first contribution. The first speaker said she hadn't met anyone better off. Well, I think she needs to get out more. And they really do have short memories—not just short memories about their terrible record and that wasted decade of decay, dysfunction and division, but very short memories about the propositions, the policies, they took to the last election, or indeed the way that they voted on core legislation that has come through.

Parents are better off with the cheaper child care changes—$7,740, on average, better off. They are paying lower fees than they otherwise would have. Childcare workers are better off because of the wage rises that this government proposed, which the opposition said were wasteful. There's fee-free TAFE, which the opposition leader said was wasteful; if you don't pay for something, you don't value it, according to the opposition. There are public school students who are going to be better off for years to come because, finally, this government has put in place the funding agreements so that every public school student in the country will be fully funded—will meet the recommended funding standard. Students with a HECS debt will be better off because of the 20 per cent cut to all student debts. That's building on the $3 billion of student debt cuts that we made last term. Students will be better off because of the lower repayments that they're making. There's more that I could say on the details, but I'll end my comments there to enable the member for Deakin, who is a former teacher himself, to also make a contribution.

Dai Le (Fowler, Independent) | Link to this | Hansard source

Education is the gateway to opportunity, and my presence in this House today is proof of its power to transform a life, a family and a future. When my late mother was given a choice for refugee settlement between the United States and Australia, she chose Australia for one reason: education. I still remember her words: 'Australia is said to have the best education system in the world. That's important for you and your sisters.' That belief shaped everything that followed. Through Australian schools, I learned English, found my voice and built a life of purpose and service. Education gave a refugee girl who once spoke no English the opportunity to stand here as a member of the Australian parliament. That is the promise of education—that every child, no matter where they begin, deserves a chance to reach their full potential.

Over the past month, I've attended many year 12 graduations across my electorate of Fowler. Each one was a celebration of that promise—the end of one chapter; the beginning of another. For many of these young people, especially those from migrant and refugee families, education represents hope: the belief that hard work can open doors and that a better life is possible. I saw the pride of parents who came to this country with little but determination now watching their children graduate. It reminded me of my own mother's gratitude that her children could study freely in Australia.

But today, for too many families, that door is starting to close. Despite billions spent on education, opportunities are narrowing instead of expanding. One of the clearest examples is the job-ready graduates scheme. It was meant to steer students into areas that the economy needed, like health, teaching and science, by making those degrees cheaper. Instead, by making degrees like the humanities more than double in price, it has left countless Australians burdened with higher debt and fewer choices. I'm not dismissing the importance of business, science or technology. These skills are vital. But why are we penalising students who choose to study the humanities, the arts, philosophy and history? These disciplines teach us to think critically, understand our shared story and build empathy—qualities just as essential to our nation's future as any STEM degree.

The universities accord interim report called Job-Ready Graduates a policy that created 'perverse outcomes' and warned it could cause 'long-term damage' to our higher education system. In communities like mine, where parents work multiple jobs so their children can study, that damage is deeply personal. These families still believe, as my mother did, that education is the pathway to a better life. But rising fees and ballooning student debt are putting that dream further out of reach. That's why I introduced—and reintroduced—my private member's bill to reverse the unfair fee hike and inequities caused by this scheme. I again call on the Albanese Labor government to support it, because fixing this broken model must be a priority, not an afterthought.

Beyond universities, we must look to the young people pursuing TAFE and apprenticeships—the backbone of our future workforce. Apprentices and trainees in Western Sydney tell me they love what they're learning but they're struggling to afford it. Travel, uniforms, tools and unpaid placements are forcing many to drop out before they finish. Rizki Deni from my Fowler Youth Advisory Committee said:

The value of education shouldn't be measured only by how useful it is to the job market, but by how it helps us contribute to humanity.

Our young people are not asking for handouts. They're asking for fairness, for a system that supports them to learn, to work and to build their future. If we truly want to strengthen Australia's skills pipeline, we must rebuild education around three pillars: equity, so that cost is never a barrier; relevance, so that training reflects real-world needs and placements are properly supported; and pathways, so students can move seamlessly between TAFE, university and work without falling into hardship.

Education changed my life. It gave me a voice, a home and a future. Every child in Fowler and across Australia deserves the same opportunity. Let us rebuild an education system that opens doors once more, not just for some but for all, because when we invest in education we don't just transform individual lives; we strengthen the very future of our nation.

To every student, teacher and parent I've met across Fowler: thank you for reminding me every day why education matters. Your passion and perseverance are what make our community strong. Our young people deserve no less.

Matt Gregg (Deakin, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak on a subject very close to my heart—education—and how this budget continues the Albanese Labor government's significant investment in our education system. Education changes lives. It's one of the most significant determinants of social and economic mobility. I experienced this as a student, and I'm proud to have played my—

Honourable Member:

An honourable member interjecting—

Matt Gregg (Deakin, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

That's right—and as a teacher. In my first contribution to this parliament as the member for Deakin, I spoke about how education builds confidence, capacity and opportunities. I saw that when I taught at Sale College, where the member for Gippsland attended as a student, as did the member for Leichhardt. That's a little bit before my time! But I was proudly part of a great school in regional Victoria, and that school is now so very well represented here in Canberra. But when I think back to my time at that school I can picture the kinds of kids that would benefit from the additional investments being made by this government. Everyone deserves access to a world-class education, whether you're in Sale, Ringwood, regional Australia or metropolitan Melbourne.

I also said in my first speech that I'm proud to be part of a government that has put every Australian public school on a path to full and fair funding. That pride has only grown as I've had the opportunity to visit more schools throughout my own electorate of Deakin. Seeing teachers go that extra mile for their students is such a joy, and they deserve the respect and resources to do their job well. That's why the Albanese government is building a better and fairer education system, from early childhood right through to university and TAFE.

When Labor came to government no public school outside the ACT was fully funded. When we don't fully fund public schools, we are leaving students behind. If they're getting the education they need, it's because our amazing teachers are going above and beyond and often putting their own money into student resources. Bear in mind that we've got teachers having to teach a cohort of students in which the range of capabilities often spans multiple years of educational development.

That's why our Better and Fairer Schools Agreement is so important. This agreement will increase the Commonwealth's contribution to the schooling resource standard, to put every public school on the path to full funding. This is the biggest new investment in public schools by an Australian government ever—a $16.5 billion investment in our students and teachers, an investment for the next generation. This funding isn't just a blank cheque with hopes and dreams or a 'magic happens' sticker. It is tied to reforms that will help students catch up, keep up and finish school, including those small group tutoring sessions, year 1 phonics, early-years numeracy assessments and checks, more individualised support, mental health support and more support to attract and retain teachers. This is big-picture investment in reform of the public education system that only a Labor government would deliver.

We're also delivering targeted upgrades to schools. Just one example is Croydon Primary School, which the Minister for Education came to visit. A $6.8 million facility will provide a fantastic new space for not only students at that school but the whole community to play sport and connect. This is generational reform, and I'm so proud to be part of a government that is investing in the future of our young Australians.

Proposed expenditure agreed to.

Matt Keogh (Burt, Australian Labor Party, Minister for Veterans’ Affairs) | Link to this | Hansard source

As we face the most challenging strategic circumstances in our region since World War II, this government has asked the foundational questions about our strategic landscape in order to grow our capability. We are investing an additional $10.6 billion over the forward estimates, and, with the initial commitment of $12 billion towards the defence precinct in Henderson, Western Australia, we are investing an additional $70 billion over the next decade. But people are our most important Defence Force capability. The Albanese government is committed to an ADF that Australians are attracted to serving in, confident that they and their families are respected and well supported by their leadership, their mates and the broader Defence Organisation.

Under those opposite, over almost a decade in government, the permanent Australian Defence Force grew by only 2,047 personnel. This was a net increase in our ADF permanent workforce of just 200 a year. Under our government, the ADF has in just 12 months increased headcount by 2,418. Recruitment and retention in the Australian Defence Force is now growing again, thanks to the Albanese government's investments and initiatives, following years of coalition neglect. Under the Albanese government in the financial year 2024-25, we enlisted the most personnel in 15 years, and ADF separation rates have dropped to well below the 10-year average. This is thanks to almost $1 billion of Albanese government investments in recruitment and retention initiatives, including continuation bonuses, improved pay and conditions for personnel, an expanded ADF family health program and improved access to housing. The Albanese government has also made the commitment to defence personnel, veterans and their families that, whatever may befall them during their service, they will be properly looked after and their service acknowledged, respected and commemorated by a grateful nation.

A little over a year ago, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide delivered its final report, making 122 recommendations. It showed us that, for too long, ADF members, veterans and their families did not get the support they deserved and expected. We are acting quickly. In December, just three months after the final report was delivered, we accepted 104 recommendations and noted 17 for further work. By February this year, we had legislated a new, independent, statutory oversight body, deemed the most important recommendation by the royal commission. The Defence and Veterans' Service Commission will oversee long-term reform aimed at fixing a broken system. It is now up and running, with a $44.5 million budget for the next four years. We have also established a taskforce within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to guide the implementation of recommendations across government.

By the time we hit the 12-month anniversary of the final report, the Albanese government had made significant progress in response, with nine recommendations fully implemented and work underway on 110 other recommendations. The government's focus has been on reforms that address the immediate health and safety of current and former serving ADF personnel and their families. That's why we got to work on improving access to services and supports while the royal commission was still underway, clearing the backlog of some 42,000 veteran claims ahead of schedule.

Good progress is also being made on speeding up the system, but there is more to do. That's why we're simplifying and harmonising the veterans' compensation system that causes confusion and frustration, which the royal commission found was a contributor to suicidality amongst our veteran community. We passed the VETS Act, the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Act, in February this year. This means that from the middle of 2026 all veteran claims will be assessed for compensation and rehabilitation under one single piece of legislation that will be simpler to use and faster to process. This is the most significant reform to how we support veterans in a century. It means we will be able to better provide the services and supports those in the veteran community need when they need them.

The Albanese Labor government is working to deliver the defence capabilities Australia needs and the dignity the veteran community deserves.

Darren Chester (Gippsland, National Party, Shadow Minister for Veterans’ Affairs) | Link to this | Hansard source

Minister, I want to draw your attention to the Defence Amendment (Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal) Bill 2025 and seek to establish a motive for why this bizarre piece of legislation has even seen the light of day. In the context of this consideration in detail, I would seek your advice as to whether this is a cost-cutting measure. Is the government's plan to effectively neuter the tribunal and attempt to save money?

For context, the tribunal was established in 2011, with the capacity to review honours and awards decisions made by the Department of Defence dating back to 1939. As a statutory agency, it was intended to act independently of government and, while it has undertaken hundreds of reviews, there is absolutely no evidence to suggest it has been overwhelmed by the workload. It was this review process which led to the decisions to posthumously award a Victoria Cross to Teddy Sheean and to Richard Norden, along with individual recognition for the bravery of Delta Company at Long Tan.

Under the changes rammed through the House of Representatives without proper consultation with ex-service organisations, the Albanese government is introducing a 20-year time limit on reviewable actions. In effect, it would mean the actions of Australian Defence Force personnel in World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and any other conflict outside the 20-year timeframe could not be considered, even if compelling new evidence were provided.

The coalition believes that the solemn pledge 'We will remember them' in the 'Ode of remembrance' was never intended to come with a use-by date. Despite the lack of consultation with ADF personnel and veterans, the Albanese government is undermining the independence of the Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal. Stephen Skehill, the chair of this independent agency, has been completely upfront about his concerns in his submission to the Senate inquiry, released today. He agrees with the coalition that, under these changes, a very substantial majority of the applications for review decided by the tribunal since it was established would be invalidated. He also takes exception to the minister's misleading parliament by suggesting the tribunal was consulted. In his submission, Mr Skehill provides a long list of the most heroic Australians in history who would never have received medallic recognition because the actions occurred outside the 20-year timeframe or were not lodged by a person in the chain of command or an eyewitness.

The Albanese government is putting a use-by date on the 'Ode of remembrance' and on the line 'We will remember them'. The submission concludes:

In the view of the Tribunal, the Bill in its present form would work to the very significant disadvantage of ADF members and veterans, their families and other supporters by abolishing existing rights of independent merits review in the Tribunal and would thereby detract from the integrity of the defence honours and awards system.

'Detract from the integrity of the Defence honours and awards system'—that is from the tribunal's own submission to the inquiry. That is a polite way of saying that this legislation is a complete disgrace. The submission from the tribunal also notes:

… the measures contained in the Bill go far beyond technical changes of a "tidying up" nature or the addition of machinery provisions to allow the more efficient conduct of business of the Tribunal. Instead, they would effectively deprive ADF members and veterans and their families of their current and very important rights to hold Defence to account, and would preclude the nation's recognition of some of its greatest heroes.

That is not the coalition saying this. This is the independent statutory agency which this mob is trying to gut. This mob is trying to gut the independent statutory agency from medallic recognition of some of our nation's greatest heroes. It's a disgrace and the minister knows it.

The government has provided no proof that the existing system is broken. The capacity to review decisions made by Defence was a deliberate design feature of the tribunal when it was established by the Gillard government. Again I ask: Is this a cost-cutting measure? Is the legislation intended to reduce the workload of the tribunal and reduce sitting fees of tribunal members? Nothing else makes sense.

'We will remember them' was never intended to come with a use-by date. Veterans groups have been scathing in their assessment of this government's arrogance. I'll quote the Vietnam Veterans Association of Australia: 'This is the stuff of a dictatorship.' I'll also quote the Vietnam Veterans' Federation of Australia: 'We find the decision by the government regarding changes to the act in relation to honours and awards which allows for retrospective honours submissions to be unjust, unnecessary and immoral to the highest degree.' I thank the chamber.

Luke Gosling (Solomon, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

Our government, the Albanese government, is committed to ensuring that our Defence Force has the capabilities, the people and the funding that it needs to keep Australians safe—including in northern Australia, where I'm proud to represent the people of Darwin and Palmerston.

As we know, we face the most challenging strategic circumstances since World War II. Our government has asked the hard questions about our strategic landscape through the Defence Strategic Review, which obviously recognised the importance of the north to Australia's defence and security, as it was in the Second World War and as it continues to be in our day and age.

We have provided stability and continuity in the Defence portfolio. This is being implemented through the National Defence Strategy and the Integrated Investment Program, the IIP. This approach has allowed us to continually assess our defence capability needs and to resource them. That is why we have increased defence funding to record levels and invested in northern Australia in particular.

In this term, delivery is fundamental to what we must achieve, and we are laser focused on delivering the capabilities we need to keep Australians safe—including in northern Australia, where our government is investing billions of dollars in upgrading our northern bases to enhance our security. The 2024 IIP allocated $14 billion to $18 billion over the next decade to bolster Australia's northern bases. We know that all of this will be needed.

The government's investment plan will accelerate upgrades to RAAF Base Tindal, including airfield improvements to enable and enhance their refuelling operations by KC-30A Multi-Role Tanker Transport aircraft. I visited RAAF Base Tindal recently and spent some time with the commander, and this included looking at some protective bunkers that the US has built there. Upgrades are also occurring across key training areas, including at the Robertson Barracks in Darwin in my electorate, as well as at Lavarack Barracks in Townsville.

In September, we announced that, for the first time, US military aircraft will be pre-positioned in Australia under the force posture agreement, the FPA, with up to four V-22 Osprey tiltrotor aircraft being stored and maintained in South-East Queensland and then returning to Darwin for use during the 2026 MRF-D, or Marine Rotational Force-Darwin, rotation. Future full-time basing of those aircraft in Darwin is, of course, possible, but will be dependent on appropriate infrastructure.

Just last week, on 2 October, the Australian Army's new attack helicopters landed in Australia, with the delivery of the first two Apaches to RAAF Base Townsville. The Albanese government is also investing $700 million to provide infrastructure and facility upgrades at RAAF Base Townsville to support the introduction of the Apache fleet. All these investments by our government improve the ADF's ability to operate from Australia's northern bases, and they are a very good start. They mean more opportunities for defence industry in northern Australia, which means more jobs in communities across the north.

We're working with industry. In every year of the Albanese government, defence industry has grown in terms of its financial contribution to the Australian economy and the numbers of workers engaged. Based on the latest ABS data, in the 2023-24 financial year defence industry's contribution to the economy grew by 12.4 per cent, and the number of defence industry jobs grew by 9.1 per cent. Our government is providing a record number of defence contracts to Australian industry, with $55.4 billion worth of contracts awarded to the defence industry in the 2024-25 financial year, which is a 39.7 per cent increase on the previous financial year.

We're working alongside industry to deliver leading-edge capabilities, including a $1.7 billion new fleet of Australian designed and built extra-large autonomous undersea vehicles—the Ghost Shark—for the Royal Australian Navy. Anduril Australia will deliver, maintain and continue developing this world-leading capability. It really is an impressive capability. Another contract, with Leidos, announced in August, will deliver an ADF counterdrone small unmanned aircraft system capability, which is also an incredibly important capability for our defence.

Angus Taylor (Hume, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Defence) | Link to this | Hansard source

I agree with the last speaker, that Australia does face the most dangerous strategic environment since the Second World War. There is no doubt that conflict is spreading. We've seen it in Ukraine. We've seen it in the Middle East. But we are also seeing the biggest military build-up in peacetime in history to the north of us by the Chinese Communist Party. At a time like this, military preparedness, military capability, a strong ADF and strong alliances are more important than at any time since the Second World War.

The sad reality is that this government is not funding our ADF to the level it needs to be funded. We need the preparedness, we need the agility, we need the sovereignty and we need the people necessary to make sure that we are able to deter war, to deter conflict—which is its purpose; it's to achieve peace in our region on a lasting basis. But you can only do that with strength, and right now we are not seeing the strength in the funding applied to our ADF in this country.

When you open Budget Paper No. 2, the Defence portfolio's total payments line shows that the additional spending in this budget versus the last one is three—not $3 billion but $3 million. They're crowing about $3 million. What they are doing at a time when we are investing in a massive and incredibly important new alliance, the AUKUS alliance, is gutting the rest of the Defence Force to partially fund the AUKUS agreement, and that is simply not good enough. This is doing a disservice to every single Australian who expects our Defence Force to be in the position it needs to be in. This is not a criticism of the people in our ADF. They are marvellous and magnificent people. But they are not being properly funded by this government.

You see, the minister is playing mathematical tricks on this. What we're seeing from the government when it comes to funding is not proper funding; its creative accounting. What they've decided to do to get their defence spending up is change the definition of defence spending. They've decided that, for the first time, they're going to include veterans expenditure in the defence spend. Then they can go to the Americans and say: 'It's alright. We've upped our defence expenditure.' Well, this is worse than creative accounting. This is Marles mathematics. This is absolutely unacceptable when it comes to making sure that we are in the position we need to be in at a time like this. The truth is that Marles mathematics, creative accounting, will not defend this nation. What will defend this nation is proper funding, at at least three per cent of GDP; preparedness; agility; making sure we're getting the spending we need in our drone and counterdrone capability; integrated air missile defence systems; and hardening of the bases. There's big talk about this, but, when you actually look at the numbers, they're way short of where they need to be. Whether it's Henderson, Stirling, Osborne or Tindal, they need serious funding that is not yet there in the budget. We all pay a price for that. Deterrence is achieved through strength. There is no strength in creative accounting. There is no strength in changing the definition of defence spending. The strength comes from investing in what is really needed at this time.

Right at the heart of this is the importance of our alliances. It is good to see this government coming to an agreement with the PNG government, but we need to do far, far more than that. Vanuatu—what happened? It's not there. The US? Well, I'm looking forward to this face-to-face meeting. It has taken way too long. We've seen three meetings between the Prime Minister and the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party but none with the leader of the free world.

We need this government to get serious about making sure we have a properly funded Defence Force. We have the agreements in place. We have the relationships necessary to ensure that we are able to deter conflict in our region and achieve peace through strength.

Peter Khalil (Wills, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Defence) | Link to this | Hansard source

It never ceases to amaze me and it's quite remarkable that those opposite, the coalition, will stand across from us today criticising the government's defence policy when they could barely scrape together their own defence policy during the recent election campaign. They love to talk a big game when it comes to defence, but, when it came down to it, they were all announcement and no delivery. Their record of delivery—if I can even call it that—while they were in government was absolutely woeful. When we came to government, those opposite had 28 different projects running a combined 97 years behind schedule. They had $42 billion in defence commitments with zero dollars behind them. They announced and reannounced capability without adequate funding. They ripped up contracts for submarines with both Japan and France. They made up cost and delivery timeframes for our future frigates, and they left the nation with a growing risk of capability gaps from guided missiles to future frigates and submarines. Nearly $20 billion had been cut from defence, by stealth, by those opposite. What we saw from the former government, when they were in government, was kind of like Top Gun. It was all the hoopla and pageantry but none of the substance.

This government, the Albanese Labor government, is all about actually delivering. We have actually added $70 billion in additional spending over the next decade and an additional $10 billion to defence spending over the forward estimates. We have spent more on defence procurement in the last two financial years than ever before. We are committed to ensuring that, in this complex strategic environment that we face, the ADF, the men and women in uniform, have the equipment, the capability and the infrastructure backing them up—ensuring that the people who are doing that job for us on the frontline, to keep us safe, have everything they need.

I can go on about what they have failed to do, but the facts are the facts. We just announced $12 billion for Henderson to deliver continuous naval shipbuilding in Western Australia and make AUKUS a reality. We've announced $3.8 billion for key defence upgrades across Australia—$2 billion for the upgrade of northern airbases in the Territory, in Queensland and in the Cocos Islands; $1 billion to upgrade land and joint-estate capabilities; $600 million for maritime bases, including HMAS Coonawarra and HMAS Cairns; and $200 million to fast-track existing programs. We've announced that we have the Apache helicopters arriving at RAAF Base Townsville. I was up there recently, a couple of weeks ago, and, again, we committed $750 million in upgrades for RAAF Base Townsville to help set up all the infrastructure necessary for the Apaches and their arrival, including a simulation facility and new headquarters for the Army aviation units. We've delivered Ghost Shark—$1.7 billion for that autonomous undersea capability—and we've done this in the last couple of years, where they did nothing over a period of nine years.

The fact is that this government—despite the protestations by the opposition—is getting defence back on track, with the stability and continuity that it needs. The Albanese government is committed to ensuring that, in this strategic moment—in this very important moment that we face in the Indo-Pacific and globally—our ADF has all of the equipment and the capability it needs to do the job that it's doing for us in keeping Australians safe. It's about enhancing deterrence and our ability to actually contribute to collective deterrence. That much we can agree upon. The more we strengthen and enhance our defence capability, the more we can build that global collective deterrence.

We want, in investing in defence, to invest in peace. It deters others from going down the path of using force as a means to reach their strategic objectives. That is the kind of counterintuitive part of defence spending that it's important for us, as a parliament, to articulate to the public: the more we're investing in defence, the more we're investing in deterring conflict and going towards peace. That's a really important point, and I hope that the opposition, despite their need to do political pointscoring, can bring themselves to make those very important points to the public. That deterrence lessens the factors that would lead to conflict. It is also important in safeguarding the liberal, rules based order that we all prosper by. So the security and the stability in the Indo-Pacific, which we contribute to through our defence forces, and through our diplomatic and defence efforts, is of critical importance, and that is something that we in the government are committed to and delivering on.

Melissa Price (Durack, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Science) | Link to this | Hansard source

Our strategic environment today is the most dangerous it has been since World War II. We face a region where military expansion is accelerating, authoritarian regimes are testing the resolve of democracies and cyber and space are now as contested as land, sea and air. In that context, Australia's defence industry isn't just a source of jobs; it is indeed a cornerstone of our national security. A strong, sovereign industrial base is what allows us to sustain our forces in conflict, keep our supply chains open and ensure that we can deter threats without relying entirely on our allies and partners.

But, despite the rhetoric, there is growing disillusionment across the defence industry. Small and medium enterprises that once saw opportunity in partnering with Defence now describe a system weighed down by uncertainty and delay. Projects are announced and then quietly pushed to the right. Procurement frameworks remain slow and risk-averse. Industry partners who invested in good faith under previous programs are left wondering whether the government is genuinely committed to growing sovereign capability or simply just managing the headlines.

Take Henderson in Western Australia as an example. The government has promised a $12 billion redevelopment of the Henderson precinct, but the real cost, when all elements are counted, will be closer to $25 billion. Even then, planning for the expansion won't be complete until 2027. After their doing next to nothing for three years, we suddenly saw an announcement just before the Prime Minister's trip to the United States. Incredibly, the boundaries and definition of the precinct aren't even settled. Simply, they've done nothing in three years. So, while we welcome the renewed attention on the Western Australian shipbuilding capacity and the potential for high-skilled, well-paid jobs, the reality is that our very important defence industry needs certainty, not just spin.

And it's not just about shipbuilding. Our defence industrial policy must stretch across every important domain. A key part of building sovereign capability is investing in emerging technologies that are reshaping modern warfare. Precision munitions, drones, unmanned vehicles and autonomous vessels are no longer experimental; they are redefining the character of warfare.

If reports that the AUKUS agreement has survived the recent US review are true, we of course welcome that. However, AUKUS alone cannot carry our entire defence industrial strategy. The government wishes to obtain nuclear submarines but does not want to spend any more money to obtain them. Instead, they have sought to cannibalise funds from other aspects of Defence. This simply symbolises the government's wrong approach to Defence. Submarines, of course, are a critical pillar, but they are not a substitute for a balanced, broad based approach to national capability. Every dollar spent through AUKUS must be matched with a commitment to strengthen local industry, encourage innovation and develop skills across the supply chain.

That brings us to workforce. It is not enough to build infrastructure if we don't have the people to operate it. We need a whole-of-nation effort, a long-term skills pipeline that connects our schools, TAFEs, universities and industry, because, without the workforce, the rest of the plan collapses. We knew this when we were in government, under the Morrison government. It was significant, a big focus of my own portfolio, because, at the time, I was the Minister for Defence Industry.

Procurement remains difficult for primes and SMEs alike. They are still struggling to break through the layers of bureaucracy that stand between them and defence contracts. These are innovative Australian firms, many with world-leading technologies, that want to contribute to the national effort. They need fair access, clear pathways and timely decisions. If the government wants industry to invest, it must provide genuine partnership, not just procurement paperwork.

Finally, a keen interest of mine is space. Space is no longer a distant ambition; it is a frontline of modern defence, which underpins much of what our Defence Force does. At the International Astronautical Congress last week, I was pleased to meet with some proud Australian companies, including HEO and the Space Machines Company, which are developing technologies that could fit into that framework. Yet space industry has been left adrift, with key programs such as JP 9102 cancelled by the Albanese government. Given there are so many capability gaps, I ask the minister: how can the Prime Minister continue to resist raising Defence spending to at least three per cent of GDP when he has said capability will always be supported? (Time expired)

Tania Lawrence (Hasluck, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

The Albanese government is committed to ensuring that, in this strategic moment, our Defence Force has the equipment, the capability, the people and the funding it needs to keep Australians safe. I thank every person who is serving in our Defence Force, both current and former, for their service.

We have ended the underfunding, we have ended the chaos, and we have ended the dysfunction under the coalition and, through providing stability and continuity, are able to focus on the things that matter. This is also true in the Defence portfolio. The government began by undertaking foundational strategic thinking, including through the 2023 Defence Strategic Review and the National Defence Strategy. This approach, long overdue, has allowed us to properly assess our defence capability needs and then resource them. Following that review, we have increased defence funding to record levels. Just last month, the Albanese Labor government announced it will provide an additional $12 billion for the defence precinct at Henderson in my home state of Western Australia. This welcome investment builds on our increase in defence funding, which will now see an additional $70 billion invested in defence capabilities over the next decade, compared with the coalition's projections. The coalition talks a big game in defence, as it does in many policy areas; however, Labor just gets on and delivers.

In this term, delivery is fundamental to what we must achieve, and we have a laser focus on delivering the capabilities we do need to keep Australians safe. The Albanese government is committing to developing a world-class shipbuilding and sustainment precinct at Henderson in Western Australia. The establishment of a consolidated defence precinct at Henderson is the critical next step in delivering continuous naval shipbuilding in WA. This will support the programs for submarines and frigates and for vessels like the Guardian class patrol boat, which I was honoured to represent the minister in handing over to the government of Samoa in a ceremony in 2023 at HMAS Stirling. As we announced last month, the Albanese government will provide the $12 billion towards delivering the defence precinct at Henderson, which is a significant downpayment.

This early commitment of funding will provide certainty to industry and will underpin the delivery of the construction of surface vessels for the Australian Defence Force, starting with the Army's landing craft and, pending successful consolidation, the domestic build element of Australia's future general-purpose frigates; facilities to support the sustainment of Australia's surface combatant vessels; contingency docking capabilities for Australia's future conventionally-armed nuclear-powered submarine fleet from the early 2030s; and depot-level maintenance, including graving docks. Over the next two decades, our government's plan will see tens of billions of dollars invested in defence capabilities in the west, supporting in the order of 10,000 well-paid, high-skilled jobs.

Our government continues to invest in the capabilities our Defence Force needs now and into the future, of course, to meet those strategic circumstances. The Albanese government just announced the selection of the Japanese upgraded Mogami class frigate as the preferred platform for the Navy's future general-purpose frigate fleet, which is the most significant capability decision taken since the announcement of the AUKUS optimal pathway in 2023. The upgraded Mogami class frigate will also help shore up our maritime trade routes and Australia's northern approaches. Importantly, while the first three vessels will be built in Japan, the announcement is part of our commitment to continuous naval shipbuilding in WA; subject to the successful consolidation of the Henderson defence precinct, the remaining eight frigates will be built locally, in WA. This will, of course, involve important skills transfers and the development of local capacity, and no doubt an ongoing relationship between our industry and that of Japan.

The Albanese government is investing up to $8 billion to upgrade HMAS Stirling and support the implementation of the Submarine Rotational Force-West, SRF-West, creating around 3,000 direct jobs. This investment includes wharf upgrades, operational maintenance and other infrastructure to support the increase in port visits by both UK and United States submarines as well as our own fleet. A further 500 direct jobs will also be related to the SRF-West over 2027-2032. I have another two pages to read, but I'm running out of time—there is just so much we are delivering on. So I will come to my question. Does the minister agree that the WA continuous naval shipbuilding program is an integral part of the government's plan for Defence?

Zali Steggall (Warringah, Independent) | Link to this | Hansard source

I start off by saying how disappointing it is to see that there has not been a minister here to hear the queries and concerns and actually respond, but I hope I'm proved wrong.

Climate disruption is not a distant environmental issue but an existential threat to our national and regional security. Our national security depends not just on traditional defence capabilities, on submarines and missiles, but increasingly on resilient communities, stable neighbours and shared regional strength. If we are to take national security seriously, we must integrate climate adaptation and resilience alongside traditional defence capabilities. Defence spending is rising rapidly, but that investment must be paired with equal ambition for adaptation to and prevention of the risks that climate disasters pose.

The Pacific Islands Forum has been clear. Climate change is the single greatest threat to the livelihood, security and wellbeing of Pacific people. In the Pacific, entire communities are losing land to rising sea levels, coastal erosion and increasingly frequent and severe natural disasters. If our neighbours are overwhelmed by climate impacts, Australia's security is at risk too. We will face population displacement, disrupted supply chains, humanitarian crises, growing instability and challenges to law and order in our near region.

The 2023 Defence Strategic Review recognised climate change as a national security issue—by damaging critical infrastructure, stretching ADF capacity and amplifying instability in the Indo-Pacific. The AUKUS submarine program is forecast to cost up to $368 billion over 30 years, yet we are allocating only $1 billion over five years to the Disaster Ready Fund to strengthen the resilience of communities facing escalating natural disasters.

According to the 2025-26 Defence portfolio budget statement, total defence resourcing sits at around $61.1 billion this year, with an additional $57.6 billion to be invested over the coming decade. We've also seen a further $25 billion committed to new shipbuilding facilities in Western Australia and more than $1.7 billion for a fleet of underwater drones. Meanwhile, national resilience funding remains so small it is ridiculous. Only $200 million will flow this financial year from the Disaster Ready Fund. For context, Cyclone Alfred alone is expected to cost the taxpayer $13.5 billion in disaster support and recovery. While we spend tens of billions on deterrence and weaponry, we spend only a fraction of that on preventing foreseeable harm. The economic case for action is clear. Every dollar spent on prevention saves at least $11 in disaster recovery.

We must also note that there is no new funding for the Defence Net Zero Strategy or Defence Future Energy Strategy, which are both essential if the ADF is to operate in a changing environment. The Australian Security Leaders Climate Group, made up of former senior defence, intelligence and foreign affairs officials, have warned that climate disruption is now the greatest and potentially most existential threat to Australian and global security. Given these realities, I would ask the Minister for Defence, if he were here: Will you commit to embedding climate risk as a core driver of the 2026 National Defence Strategy and to releasing a declassified version of the ONI report? Given defence resourcing sits at $61 billion this year and an extra $57.6 billion over the decade, what proportion of that funding will be dedicated to climate adaptation and resilience capabilities, including joint programs with Pacific partners? Finally, in light of the AUKUS program's projected $368 billion cost, what assurances can you provide that Australia will receive the promised submarine capability? When will we gain access to pillar II technology pathways, with clear pathways for Australian industry participation and technology sharing? Much was promised, nothing has been delivered and any request for detail is met with, 'Just simply, we do not know.' There is no information about pillar II and what actually will flow to Australian domestic sovereign capacity. In light of the Trump administration's 'America first' agenda, what contingencies are in place to safeguard Australia's access to pillar II technologies and those opportunities and protect our sovereign industrial capabilities? Why are there not further answers in light of the so significant amount of the Australian budget that is being spent on these programs?

Claire Clutterham (Sturt, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

South Australia plays, and will continue to play, a critical role in Australia's defence manufacturing. Since the execution of the build contract in 1987 in relation to the six Collins class submarines, South Australia has proven itself to have the workforce, knowledge, infrastructure and competency to drive outcomes and deliver capability for this country. Fast forward almost 40 years and South Australia is now home to the Osborne Naval Shipyard, the Edinburgh Defence Precinct, Mawson Lakes and Lot Fourteen and will also be home to the Skills and Training Academy Campus, or STAC, out on the Lefevre Peninsula. The design and build of STAC will be supported by Australia's sovereign submarine build partners, BAE Systems and ASC Pty Ltd, to draw on the deep experience of our partners, ensuring training aligns with industry requirements.

I was incredibly proud to have attended the sod-turning ceremony for STAC at the start of this year when the Albanese Labor government confirmed its $480 million investment in that facility, which has now seen its first trainees and apprentices begin courses, under the tuition of industry experts. Further, more than 4,000 Commonwealth supported places have been allocated across 16 universities nationally for the Nuclear-Powered Submarine Student Pathways program, including 700 places at the University of Adelaide and 330 at Flinders University.

The Osborne Naval Shipyard, where I spent many years of my pre-politics career, is Australia's premier naval construction facility. Critical capability is being developed and sustained at this location, providing meaningful, well-paid and sustainable employment for thousands of people. This critical capability includes the sustainment of the Royal Australian Navy's Collins class submarine, the life of which will be extended through LOTE as the infrastructure is ready, skills upgraded and workforce recruited to build the future nuclear-powered program for the build of the SSN-AUKUS class.

The site is also home to the Hunter Class Frigate Program, which delivers warships which advance operational technology and, importantly, strong deterrence capability to the Royal Australian Navy. Crucially, all six Hunter class frigates will be built at the Osborne shipyard, a further demonstration of this government's commitment to continuous naval shipbuilding and its commitment to South Australia as the right location to be the beating heart of this, an endeavour that I will always champion. At its peak, the Hunter Class Frigate Program is expected to support 3,000 direct jobs, with a supply chain supporting a further 5,000 indirect jobs. These workers will have the benefit of world-class infrastructure, including automated shipbuilding facilities and advanced welding technology.

In an era of rapid geopolitical change and uncertainty, a meaningful and genuine deterrence capability is critical. The CCSMs, LOTE and the Hunter class frigates are all essential components in Australia's deterrence strategy. And, given we are an island continent, the SSN-AUKUS class submarines will play an equally critical role. The workforce required for that build will almost exceed 10,000, with 4,000 workers employed to design and build the infrastructure for this submarine—again, at Osborne—and a further 4,000 to 5,500 direct shipyard jobs created to build these boats.

There can be no argument that this isn't one of the greatest industrial endeavours that Australia has ever undertaken, and South Australia will be at the heart of it. South Australia's involvement is not just limited to the marine environment; the Albanese government has partnered with the Malinauskas government to invest $200 million in the Deep Maintenance and Modification Facility, which—with the support of my former employer, Boeing Defence Australia—will bolster Australian sovereign defence capability and allow the Air Force's P-8A Poseidon and E-7A Wedgetail aircraft to undergo deeper maintenance in the one facility. This purpose built, four-bay aircraft hangar uses almost 2,000 tonnes of structural steel, more than half of which came from the Whyalla steelworks—again, based in South Australia.

This government has a laser-sharp focus on delivery, particularly with respect to the delivery of the deterrence capability that this country needs. Home of Australia's defence manufacturing and home to a world-class precinct that drives innovation and strategic defence projects, South Australia is a central player in this delivery.

Proposed expenditure agreed to.

Kevin Hogan (Page, National Party, Deputy Manager of Opposition Business in the House) | Link to this | Hansard source

There are lots of challenges in the trade, investment and tourism space. It probably doesn't surprise you—it doesn't surprise me—that much of it is being mismanaged at the moment. One of the biggest challenges we have in the trade space at the moment is our relationship with the United States—obviously a strong ally, historically, with national security; obviously a very strong economic partner and also a trading partner with us. In fact, when the free trade agreement was signed with the United States 20 years ago, the coalition was in government.

One of the issues we have with this relationship—and the trading relationship has been damaged because of it—is that the Prime Minister has no relationship with the US president and doesn't seem to have an interest in forming one, which is very disappointing. Some 30 world leaders have had meetings with the US president. He was elected last November, so he's been in power for quite some time. Some 30 world leaders have met with the president, and some have got carve-outs for the deals that they need, especially for steel and aluminium. One must ask the question: have past remarks by the Australian prime minister and, indeed, the Australian ambassador to the United States, who's made some quite unfortunate remarks about the current US president—I don't think it has helped the relationship.

The result that we need, or one of the first results we need, from the Australian government, with a meeting, when they get the meeting with the US president—hopefully that will happen soon—has been set. The bar has been set. The UK Labour prime minister, indeed, Keir Starmer, has met with the US president a number of times and has, especially with steel and aluminium, secured a carve-out. That tariff was initially 50 per cent for them. The UK prime minister has got a carve-out, and the aluminium tariff for the UK is 25 per cent. That's the benchmark we need to judge that meeting by—that the Australian prime minister gets a physical meeting, makes it a priority, and has a KPI and a benchmark that he gets that tariff lowered for the Australian aluminium and steel workers. There are other issues. We know that with the pharmaceutical industries. We've had some things around the film industry. The Australian prime minister needs to make a very firm representation to the US president.

On a positive note, the opposition obviously supports the Australian prime minister in his negotiation over there. There is bipartisan support that what the current US administration is doing is not a good policy. The US tariffs, I believe, are bad policy. The Australian government believes it is bad policy. We have supported the Australian government's response in some senses—that there aren't retaliatory efforts on the table. We're trying to say that the US tariff policy would damage US consumers, but it obviously also does damage to Australian exporters. So there is bipartisan support for that, but we're seeing a lack of will from the Australian prime minister. Indeed, I don't know what job the Australian ambassador to the US is doing, but he doesn't seem to be getting the results that we would like.

We wish the Prime Minister well. We need to negotiate that. We know one in four jobs in Australia are related to the export industry. We are a trading nation—$650 billion worth of goods and services were sold last year. I remind this chamber that over two-thirds of that comes from regional Australia. For everyone who is a city MP, I know you respect the fact that our farming and mining communities and industries are driving the wealth of this country. The royalties, the taxes and the revenue that we get from the coal, gas, iron ore and farming areas are almost unparalleled with the terms of trade for those things and are driving that. My question is: if the UK can secure a 25 per cent tariff rate on steel and aluminium, why hasn't the Prime Minister committed to getting the same deal and exemptions from these tariffs for us?

I will move on to the Export Market Develop Grants program. Round 4 was nothing short of a debacle. These grants obviously help our exporters. There were high ineligibility rates, a chaotic first-come first-served system and months of uncertainty. As the shadow minister, you do a lot of stakeholder engagement. I have spoken to a lot of very cranky exporters who applied for that. They tell me that the system is a debacle. The system crashed when people were trying to log on. It was first in, first served. They've had to go through months of waiting to see whether they got their funding or not. It's very disappointing. There's a lot of work to do there. I could go on. I know my time's going to run out, but there's a lot more to talk about with the mismanagement by this government.

Andrew Wilkie (Clark, Independent) | Link to this | Hansard source

I give the call to the very patient member for Gellibrand.

Kevin Hogan (Page, National Party, Deputy Manager of Opposition Business in the House) | Link to this | Hansard source

You didn't say that to me, Deputy Speaker—bias!

Tim Watts (Gellibrand, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I was very pleased to be able to welcome the recent release of the Albanese government's reforms to the New Colombo Plan—

Kevin Hogan (Page, National Party, Deputy Manager of Opposition Business in the House) | Link to this | Hansard source

Deputy Speaker—very biased.

Tim Watts (Gellibrand, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

which I led consultations—

Kevin Hogan (Page, National Party, Deputy Manager of Opposition Business in the House) | Link to this | Hansard source

Who would have thought the crossbench are biased?

Tim Watts (Gellibrand, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

Pull your head in!

Andrew Wilkie (Clark, Independent) | Link to this | Hansard source

Quite seriously, Member for Page, you should not reflect on the chair.

Tim Watts (Gellibrand, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I was very pleased to welcome the recent release of the Albanese government's reforms to the New Colombo Plan, which I led consultations on with an external advisory group in the last term of government. More than ever before Australia's future security and prosperity rely on our ability to make our way in our own region. Today Australia faces some of the most complex and consequential external circumstances at any time since the Second World War. The Indo-Pacific region is a region of opportunity, home to some of the fastest growing, most dynamic economies in the world, but it's also a region of intensifying geostrategic competition in which many of the fundamental assumptions underpinning our foreign policy are being challenged.

This challenging context will demand more of our leaders than ever before. It demands that Australia go deeper in developing our Asia capabilities, the bucket of skills and experience needed to be effective in our region—a useful level of language skills, knowledge of the histories and cultures of our region, and personal networks and practical experience in the region. This is the context for the review of the New Colombo Plan and the new direction for the NCP that the government has announced.

Since its inception a decade ago, the NCP has supported 55,000 Australian undergraduates to study and to undertake language training, internships, research and practicums at more than 2½ thousand institutions across our region. It's a worthy achievement, and, as building Australia's Indo-Pacific capability is a generational challenge, it's important that a program like this is supported by governments on both sides of politics. But, as it has evolved over the last 10 years, the NCP has lost its strategic focus. The vast majority—over 70 per cent, in fact—of the average 8,000 NCP participants per year have taken part in short-term mobility placements, generally of only two weeks and usually accompanied by Australian lecturer.

Despite regular requests, there was no data available to show that the short-term courses translated into students staying in the region longer term. Indeed, I recall one particular submission that cited a participant who was inspired by her two weeks in India to go on and study in Europe as showing the success of the program. It's not what the NCP was established to do.

The NCP was established to serve the foreign policy objectives of the Australian government. To meet our foreign policy objectives, we need the NCP to support pathways for participants to deepen Indo-Pacific capabilities in the long term. Two-week mobility programs just weren't delivering that. That's why we're shifting the focus of the NCP to enable students to spend more time in the region and to go deeper in developing their capabilities, particularly their language capabilities.

In the new tranche of reforms announced by the Foreign minister, we'll increase the number of NCP scholarships to 500 per year by 2028. We're introducing a new semester stream, leveraging Australian universities' partnership arrangements to support one- or two-semester-length experiences. We're focusing more on developing language skills, with targets for numbers of participants studying priority Asian languages in the NCP. We're extending funding eligibility to Australian universities to allow them to utilise groundbreaking transnational campuses they've established across the region. We're also encouraging institutions to work together to establish consortiums to give NCP students access to language study regardless of their university.

These reforms occur at a time of much larger challenge for our nation. They come at a critical time to support our universities to teach Asian languages, Asian studies and adjacent subjects, as enrolments in priority languages drop and universities scale down their offerings. Indeed, the decline has been precipitous. South-East Asian language learning fell by 75 per cent in Australian universities between 2004 and 2022.

The NCP reforms announced by the government can only deal with one slice of this national challenge. These reforms have been designed to support universities to keep offering the languages and Asian studies courses needed to build these capabilities by allowing universities to retain NCP funding directly. In this context, the University of Technology Sydney announced in August that it would pause the student intake of hundreds of courses until the second semester of 2026. This includes 33 combined international studies courses and 33 combined international studies honours courses. The UTS international studies program with a built-in year abroad at a university in the country of the student's major language is exactly the kind of program the reformed NCP is intended to support in the future. In this context, I want to personally appeal to UTS to explore how it could work with a reformed NCP offering in the future to retain this program. (Time expired)

Jason Wood (La Trobe, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for International Development and Pacific Island Affairs) | Link to this | Hansard source

When it comes to the Pacific islands, the coalition is very much supportive of the government in its initiatives. But, in saying that, we must be very clear: our role is also to keep the government accountable when it comes to the spending of taxpayers' money.

That brings me to one of the greatest investments, an enormous $600 million in rugby league in the Pacific, creating an NRL franchise in PNG and dedicating $250 million to growing the league in countries like Fiji, Tonga and Samoa. The problem with that, though, is that, when it comes to Fiji, Tonga and Samoa, they are actually the heartland of rugby union, and now we're hearing that those countries are seeking funding to expand in the rugby union sector. I'd be very interested to hear from the minister whether Australia is now committing extra funding into rugby union. Then we have Nauru, where the prime game is Australian rules football. Pacific rugby officials and communities have voiced alarm that Australian funding threatens their national sporting culture. There is cannibalising and tightening of the rugby union pool. That's something that we're concerned about here in Australia, because we very much want to support Fiji, Tonga and Samoa. Like I said, $250 million is a lot of money to be injecting. We need to make sure, as it's taxpayers' money, that it's being carefully spent.

Then comes the Australia-Vanuatu Nakamal agreement. The Albanese Labor government's failure to sign the Nakamal agreement with Vanuatu, which now hangs in the balance, reveals the government's preference for making announcements over developing a comprehensive strategy to finalise the agreement. It's a $500 million agreement to help, and it covers the environmental issues of climate change, the economy and security, which is something that we, on this side of the chamber, support. But, in saying that, the government has been very brash about making special ceremonies for the agreement, but it actually hasn't gone ahead.

We're disappointed to see the Nakamal agreement stalled and concerned about reports that there has been foreign interference to derail this agreement. The formal pacts are important, but making sure they are credible and backed by real action is vital. After months of negotiations and a symbolic initialling ceremony at Mount Yasur, the failure to secure the Nakamal agreement reflects a troubling lapse in diplomatic foresight. The Albanese government has billed this as a moment of renewal in Australia-Vanuatu relations. Instead, it exposes a gap between the rhetoric and the results.

We really need questions to be answered. Can the minister explain why the Labor government failed to finalise and sign the Nakamal agreement with Vanuatu? How does the government reconcile its stated commitment to regional cooperation with Pacific with its failure to formalise the agreement? Can the minister outline the consultation process undertaken with Vanuatu prior to their decision not to sign the agreement? Does the minister acknowledge that Australia's failure to sign the Nakamal agreement may create a vacuum for other powers to deepen their influence in Vanuatu? What steps is the government taking to reassure Pacific neighbours that Australia remains a reliable and respectful partner? Was the government aware of Vanuatu's intention to sign a policing MOU with China prior to the Prime Minister's visit? Does the minister acknowledge Vanuatu's decision to formalise policy agreements with China while leaving the Nakamal agreement unsigned signals a shift in regional sentiment? Vanuatu media reported that the total of equipment donations from China was worth around $700,000, which is a fraction of the amount Australia gives to Vanuatu for security.

We, on this side of the chamber, just need answers. That's our role as the coalition. We very much support the government's endeavours in the Pacific region, such as the Pacific banking agreement. But, in saying that, we need to make sure the local banking on the island is not impacted, especially when it comes to dealings with locals. We need to make sure the government works with those local banking agencies. The Pacific is a very important region. I know the minister for the Pacific islands is doing his utmost, but we, on this side, need answers to make sure we are accountable for taxpayers' money.

Joanne Ryan (Lalor, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak about the Pacific diaspora in our nation and in my electorate of Lalor and the people-to-people relationships they create for us with our friendships and place in the Pacific. In Wyndham, we are proud to be home to the second-largest Pasifika population in Victoria, with more than 10,000 Pacific Islanders across the local government area. In Lalor and in Gellibrand, the Pacific is not foreign policy; it's family.

I've seen firsthand the vibrancy of this community—its music and church on Sundays, its youth groups, sports clubs and cultural festivals on the weekends. It's the voices and energy of young people proud of who they are and determined to shape their future. For example, at the Grange P-12 College, that pride is on full display. Their Sports Science Academy is thriving, driven in no small part by the engagement of Pacific Islander families. It's building more than athletes; it's building confidence, discipline and aspiration. Local sisters Uneeq and Beyonce Palavi, former students of Grange's Sports Science Academy and proud Tongan Australians, recently represented Tonga at the PacificAus Sports netball series. They are not just athletes; they are cultural ambassadors and an inspiration to young people across Lalor and beyond.

This is why the Albanese government is investing in PacificAus Sports, supporting both grassroots and elite participation. I know firsthand some of the results from the PacificAus Sports program. They bring people joy in the streets of my community. We know that sport changes lives. In Fiji, women's rugby has surged from 18 to over 80 teams. In PNG, a country with over 800 languages, the dream of a national NRL team is uniting the nation. In my community, in Wyndham, clubs like the Werribee Bears and Wyndham Rhinos do more than host games. They build belonging for my Pasifika communities.

The Albanese government understands that real Pacific engagement begins with people. That's why we've expanded the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme—the PALM scheme, as it's known—with over 30,000 Pacific workers now contributing to industries across regional Australia. These workers are helping to fill critical labour shortages, especially in agriculture, aged care and hospitality.

Just last month I visited Fresh Select in Werribee South, one of Australia's largest lettuce and brassica growers, with the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, Julie Collins. There we met PALM workers from Vanuatu. What I saw wasn't just a workforce. It was a relationship—a deep and personal link between our countries, built on trust, contribution and mutual respect.

These workers don't just support local businesses. They support families back home. On average long-term PALM workers send home up to $15,000 a year in remittances, money that helps to raise children, fund education and strengthen Pacific communities. Seasonal workers remit around $1,000 a month. That's why Labor also took action to protect Pacific banking access when commercial banks threatened to cut off key services. What may seem like a technical policy issue in Canberra has very real impacts in places like Wyndham, Apia and Suva, where families rely on safe and affordable ways to send money home.

But we're not stopping there. Over the next four years 1,500 Pacific workers will complete formal Australian qualifications, including in sectors like aged care, construction and hospitality. That's how we deliver not just jobs but skills, dignity and long-term opportunity.

In the Pacific, stronger relationships are built on respect, trust and time—not just words but action. That's how this government is engaging with the region, and that's how we're working with the Pasifika communities here at home, in Lalor and across the country. We're not just building policy; we're building partnerships. And in communities like mine we're already seeing results.

I'm proud to represent this community and proud to be part of a government that is delivering real outcomes for Pasifika communities here and for our neighbours across the blue Pacific. I just want to give a shout-out to a group of Pasifika women in my community who have established themselves as a co-op, if you like. They have had input into policy ideas in our work in DFAT for years now—a quick text, because they've all been together and said, 'You know, there's a lack of emergency services training for Pasifika.' It's these things that bring these countries together. (Time expired)

Leon Rebello (McPherson, Liberal National Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

There was a time when Australia's voice on the world stage was steady and clear. We stood for peace built on strength, principle, mateship with our allies, and decency towards those who shared our values. Today that voice has grown uncertain, and our nation feels smaller for it.

Across the world, the lights of democracy are flickering. A terrorist movement slaughters innocents in the Middle East, an autocrat wages a brutal war in Europe, and in the Pacific our region grows more contested by the day. And when clarity is needed most Australia's foreign policy has lost its compass.

It began with the decision that defied reason and betrayed principle. In recognising a Palestinian state outside a proper peace process, the Albanese government broke a longstanding bipartisan position grounded in common sense: recognition must follow peace, not precede it. And who celebrated this decision? Hamas, a listed terrorist organisation responsible for the horrors of 7 October, including the murder, rape and kidnapping of men, women and children.

The fact that Australia's foreign policy is being applauded by terrorists is a damning indictment of the government's judgement. Did the Prime Minister consider how such a move would embolden extremists and undermine peace? While our allies work to end the war and secure the release of hostages, the Prime Minister drew moral equivalence between a democracy defending itself and a terror movement sworn to its destruction. Did the Foreign minister consult our allies before breaking with decades of bipartisan wisdom? We all want the suffering in Gaza to end, but peace cannot be built on the foundation of terror.

Meanwhile, our most important alliance, with the United States, drifts like a ship without a captain. For nearly a year the Prime Minister could not secure a substantive meeting with the president. What did we get instead? A selfie. No plan, no policy, no progress. I ask: what message does it send when our closest ally cannot find a moment for the Australian prime minister?

While the cameras flashed, Australian industries were left to fend for themselves against tariffs on pharmaceuticals, copper and film. And when it came to Iran, the government's delay was dangerous. The coalition-led Senate committee warned in early 2023 to list the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation. Why did the government ignore that warning, and how many Australians were put at risk in the meantime? Only after threats intensified and antisemitic violence spread did they act. They did the right thing, but far too late. In matters of national security, hesitation is not caution; it's weakness.

And then there's Russia. While Putin wages his brutal war on Ukraine, Australians unknowingly fill their cars with fuel refined from Russian crude—$3.7 billion worth, generating over $2 billion in tax revenue for the Kremlin's war machine. How could this government allow such a loophole? This disgraceful oversight saw Australian consumers unwittingly help bankroll aggression against a sovereign democracy, every litre a blow against the free world and this government's delay a stain on our moral clarity.

Our relationship with China must be one of strength—firm, respectful and clear eyed. Yet, when a former Albanese aligned Labor premier attended a Chinese Communist Party military parade, standing alongside Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un, this government said nothing. Why the silence? Did the government or the PM warn Mr Andrews not to attend?

China is a vital partner but also a strategic competitor. With Chinese military activity increasing near our shores, why has the government said nothing? Why hasn't there been a statement of reassurance to the Australian people or to our Pacific partners? When your allies see hesitation, they question your conviction. And when your adversaries see hesitation, they test it.

The story of this government's foreign policy is not one of strategy or strength. It's a story of drift, confusion, delay and misplaced priorities. At every turn, they have chosen symbolism over substance and weakness over principle. And so I ask: when will Labor place Australia's interest at the heart of our foreign policy?

Madonna Jarrett (Brisbane, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak in support of the appropriations bill, with a focus on our Pacific partnership. It's an important part of this bill, and we are building our relationships with our closest neighbours—or should I say rebuilding our relationships. As part of the Pacific family, we are embracing the opportunities to build closer ties across the region, which will bring economic and social benefit to all of us, including in my community in Brisbane.

Pacific countries look to Australia as a key partner in the region that supports local and regional security, economic development and disaster assistance. Our Pacific family also looks to Australia as a climate leader and wants to collaborate with us to build renewables, batteries and resilient communities for the future. They also look to Australia as a sporting mate and an ally that is home to the greatest NRL team, the Brisbane Broncos!

I commend the Albanese government's approach, which once again returns Australia as a key partner in the region—a partner that listens and respects our neighbours. We know the opposition's failure to acknowledge climate change, a top priority for the Pacific, hamstrung Australia's ability to develop genuine and long-lasting relationships.

When it comes to climate change and leadership, the Albanese government is taking real action at home to reduce our own emissions. We've got a target of 82 per cent renewables in our grid by 2030, and recently renewable energy surpassed fossil fuel based energy across the main national grid. There are more than 78,000 home batteries that can store solar power, with more in the pipeline, and this is the result of strategic and targeted action to reduce emissions here in Australia.

We also recognise our responsibility to support our neighbours to reduce their emissions, and our efforts mean we can be the partner of choice for those who live next door. Australia is delivering a record aid flow to the Pacific, which will help build the renewables, storage batteries and resilient communities across the region. Australia is supporting access to climate finance, with a $100 million contribution to the Pacific Resilience Facility. This Pacific led community resilience financing facility will provide grants for climate action, disaster preparedness, nature based solutions and projects which respond to loss and damage. All this helps support a peaceful, stable and resilient region.

Australia is also helping countries access more climate financing by embedding local climate finance experts in partnerships with the Climate Finance Access Network. This will benefit partner countries, including Fiji, Vanuatu, Samoa, Tuvalu, Solomon Islands and Tonga. We are also supporting the Pacific's transition away from fossil fuels and building a clean energy future. The Albanese government is contributing over $350 million in climate infrastructure through the Pacific Climate Infrastructure Financing Partnership. Early projects include the Off-Grid Renewable Energy Partnerships program, which has already announced its first two partnerships—one with PNG and the other with Solomon Islands. This clean energy will help people in remote and rural communities access solar energy and associated lighting. It doesn't just mean clean energy, though. It will create jobs, generate income and help support important healthcare services.

Australia and Papua New Guinea have also announced almost $227 million in the energy financing partnership, which will rehabilitate the Ramu 1 hydropower plant to boost renewable energy for Papua New Guinea. My community of Brisbane and wider Queensland has a deep cultural and historical connection with our nearest neighbour, Papua New Guinea. In the 2021 census, more than 17,000 Queenslanders said they were born in the country. The Albanese government has achieved landmark progress to secure a shared future with PNG not only on renewables but also through sport and security. Over the past 50 years, our countries have continued to share our deep love of sport, especially the great game of NRL. Like many of you, I am incredibly proud of the Brisbane Broncos—the men's and women's teams, who won those titles this year. I'm sure there were many in Papua New Guinea watching and listening, as we did in Brisbane over the weekend. NRL is the most popular sport in PNG, and diehard fans have waited a long time for PNG to field a new NRL team. The two governments have worked together with the Rugby League Commission to deepen our connections in supporting such a team, and our partnership will create new opportunities for girls and women in rugby across PNG and the Pacific. Australia supports a strong and unified Pacific family through its work collaboratively to address— (Time expired)

Elizabeth Watson-Brown (Ryan, Australian Greens) | Link to this | Hansard source

I want to acknowledge that we're here today on the second anniversary of the October 7 attacks, an atrocity and a war crime that the Greens and I roundly condemn. We continue to call for peace and for an end to the cycle of violence that both predates and has intensified since October 7.

I have some questions I'd like to ask today of the Minister representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister representing the Minister for Trade and Tourism. Surya McEwen, Abubakir Rafiq, Hamish Paterson, Juliet Lamont, Bianca Webb-Pullman and Cameron Tribe are heroic Australians, kidnapped and abused by Israel. Their crime? Delivering food and medical supplies to Gazans who are being deliberately starved and murdered by Israel. These Australians have been subjected to horrific abuse by the Israeli authorities. Reports are that Surya McEwen has been left with a dislocated arm and an injured head, was subjected to sleep deprivation and had his passport destroyed; that Juliet Lamont has had her medication confiscated, putting her at serious risk of a stroke, and was sprayed with a water cannon and left for seven hours in an unventilated area in soaking clothes with hands tied; and that detainees have had clean water withheld from them.

The government should be doing everything in its power to protect and support these Australian citizens. I ask the minister to urgently provide an update on the wellbeing of these Australians. Minister, how can you justify continuing to regard Israel as a friend and an ally when this is how they treat innocent Australian citizens? How can you continue to approve export permits of weapons parts sent directly to Israel, directly contributing to the genocide in Gaza?

Australia is a party to the genocide convention. That means that we've agreed that we will act to prevent genocide. A definitive ICJ ruling that a genocide is taking place in Gaza could take until 2027, but what we do have is a ruling that it is plausible that genocide is occurring. It's been called a genocide by an absolute wealth of international organisations, including the organisation of genocide scholars, Amnesty International, Israeli human rights group B'Tselem and an independent UN commission of inquiry, just to name a few. There have been at least 68 shipments of F-35 joint strike fighter aircraft parts flown from Australia directly to Israel between October 2023 and September 2025. The simple fact is that, without Australia's contribution, the F-35s would not be able to drop bombs on innocent Palestinians in Gaza. Minister, when will you acknowledge our obligation under the convention to take immediate action to prevent the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza? Will you wait till the genocide is complete, when it will be too late to do what we should have been doing under the convention—that is, everything in our power to stop the mass slaughter?

While we're on foreign affairs, I also want to talk about Australia's relationship with the US and some really concerning reports we heard last week. Does this government really want to give Donald Trump control over our renewables transition? Just last week, the AFR reported that, after courting earlier this year by the Albanese government, the Trump administration is now strongly considering taking an equity stake in Australian critical minerals—critical minerals that are absolutely vital for Australia's and the whole world's transition away from fossil fuels. Last year, Australia cracked down on Chinese investments in our critical minerals to protect our national interest. So why are we courting the highly volatile US government to take an equity stake in critical minerals, selling our wealth, one of our most valuable assets, to the US government? How is that in Australia's national interest?

Trump recently called climate change 'the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world'. Is this really who we want controlling what happens to our rare earth minerals, which are so critical for the energy transition? He's already cancelling renewables projects all over the US. This is a position fundamentally opposed to the interests of everyday Australians and the planet. The Labor government have already shown that they're willing to do pretty much anything the US wants. They're giving them billions in payments for AUKUS, building public housing for US troops and defence contractors and hosting their nuclear armed subs in Perth. Giving up even more control over our sovereign assets is nothing less than insane. (Time expired)

Anne Aly (Cowan, Australian Labor Party, Minister for International Development) | Link to this | Hansard source

This year's budget will strengthen our global influence, contribute to a more equitable and peaceful region, deepen our engagement with partners and build our economic resilience through enhanced trade diversification. I don't need to remind anyone that we find ourselves navigating a uniquely challenging global environment. It is a more uncertain and certainly unpredictable world. It is a world where the rules based framework, which once provided clarity and order and which has helped to safeguard Australia's security and prosperity, is now under unprecedented challenge or, increasingly, ignored. It is a world where conflict is rising with corresponding devastating consequences for civilians, with the risk of spillover across borders, continents and oceans.

Two years on from the Hamas terrorist attacks on 7 October, Australia remembers the 1,200 Israelis and foreigners brutally murdered by Hamas. We reiterate our unequivocal condemnation of Hamas's horrific actions on October 7 and all its other acts of terror, and we call for the immediate release of all hostages. Right now, the situation in Gaza remains catastrophic. Since this conflict began, Australia has committed over $130 million in humanitarian assistance to support civilians in Gaza and Lebanon, and we are part of the international push for aid to flow unimpeded. We urge all parties to make every effort to bring this terrible conflict to an immediate end, and we welcome President Trump's plan to bring peace to Gaza.

The Albanese Labor government recognises that in these uncertain, unpredictable and challenging times we must do our part to shape the future we want, and this budget ensures that we can. Our government is rebuilding Australia's international credibility after a decade of budget cuts to our development program under the previous government. Our government is strengthening Australia's relationship with partners in our region after a decade of dismissive attitudes under the previous government. Our government is restoring our diplomatic capability by investing in our people, our systems and our infrastructure because our nation's frontline is our diplomacy.

This budget has made deliberate and disciplined choices to focus our efforts on what matters most to Australia's future—our region, the Indo-Pacific. In an increasingly contested global environment, our development program is an integral part of our nation's statecraft. At a time where other donors are tightening their budgets, the Labor government here will not abandon our responsibility to shape the peaceful, stable and prosperous region we want.

This is why the budget delivers a record $5.97 billion in official development assistance this year. We have repositioned our development program to where Australia's national interests are most at stake and to where we have the greatest impact—the Pacific and South-East Asia. We now dedicate 75c of every Australian development dollar to our region, the highest share in four decades.

While we're working to keep Australia more secure as the world becomes more uncertain and unstable, our support for Australians overseas is also increasingly critical. This enables us to continue to deliver high-quality consular services to Australians around the world and to help Australians safely leave crisis situations.

The 2025-26 budget equips Australia to respond to the regional and global challenges ahead of us in a way that remains true to who we are, true to what we want and true to what we believe in: a democratic nation where every person's dignity and freedom is respected and protected by law; an independent country with the power to decide our own future, free from coercion and interference; and a partner of choice that can be relied upon to be there during a time of disruption and for the long haul.

Louise Miller-Frost (Boothby, Australian Labor Party) | Link to this | Hansard source

This government is putting significant effort into being the preferred partner in our region. When we came to government in 2022, we inherited a situation where the Pacific region had been largely ignored and where the concerns of the region and the existential threat of climate change were not only ignored but also mocked by the previous government. Yet our relationships with our neighbours in the Pacific and Asia are vital for our security and pose significant opportunities. Nature abhors a vacuum, and, when the previous government vacated the Pacific, it gave opportunities for other countries to fill that void. After the 2025 election, there was significant work to be done by our government to rebuild our relationships with our neighbours and to demonstrate again that we could be a trusted and valued partner, to demonstrate that we care about the things that they care about and that we take our shared future seriously.

Australia's international development policy guides how Australia works with partners to advance a peaceful, stable and prosperous future for our region, ensuring the program is responsive to today's complex and interconnected challenges. As profound global challenges reshape our world, development needs across the Indo-Pacific and beyond are intensifying. Australia stands with its partners. Development assistance is a key pillar of Australia's statecraft alongside diplomacy, trade and defence, working to advance our interests in a fairer, safer and more secure world.

In 2025-26, Australia will deliver over $5 billion in official development assistance, an increase of $135.8 million on 2024-25. This reflects the government's commitment to a strategic, regionally focused and resilient development program to build prosperity in the region. In a time of global instability, Australia is repositioning its development program to where our national interests are most at stake. Three quarters of Australia's total ODA will directly benefit the Indo-Pacific, the highest share in four decades. This budget makes deliberate and disciplined choices to direct more support where it has the greatest impact—economic resilience, health systems, climate action and humanitarian assistance. Australia's development program has been rebuilt and refocused to be more responsive, targeted and effective, ensuring it delivers results for our region and advances Australia's long-term interests.

Australia's development investments are focused on delivering targeted, high-impact investments to support our region's economic and health resilience, climate action and humanitarian need. A new economic resilience package to be delivered over five years will support workforce skills, financial systems, job creation, small finance and economic reform in the Pacific and South-East Asia. The government will also guarantee Australian bank presence in the Pacific and Timor-Leste for the next 10 years. These measures complement and reinforce Australia's major investments in critical infrastructure and digital transformation, driving trade and economic stability. A new three-year health resilience package will strengthen health systems and pandemic preparedness in the Pacific and South-East Asia. This investment will help nations to prevent, detect and respond to disease outbreaks while maintaining essential services for HIV, tuberculosis, maternal and child health, family planning and sexual and reproductive health.

By addressing urgent needs now, this package strengthens regional preparedness, ensuring our partners are better equipped to manage future health challenges. Our new $100 million Australia-Indonesia health partnership will be delivered over eight years, focused on human and animal health security, emergency response capacity and health system resilience. Importantly, there is also a $355 million climate action package over four years to help the Pacific and South-East Asian communities withstand climate related shocks, because we know that sea-level rises and stronger and more frequent storms are not a laughing matter.

Australia is part of the Pacific and South-East Asian regions. They are our neighbours, and we are theirs. We want to be the preferred partner of choice. We want to play our part. The treaty signed by the Prime Minister with our nearest neighbour, Papua New Guinea, demonstrates how important this region is to us, and our overseas development strategies and funding build on this focus.

Proposed expenditure agreed to.

Debate adjourned.

Federation Chamber adjourned at 19:33