Claire Chandler (Tasmania, Liberal Party) Share this | Hansard source

In September 2022, the world watched in horror as Mahsa Amini died in the custody of the Islamic Republic of Iran regime's so-called morality police. Her death sparked a global outcry, and here in this chamber it sparked action. Shortly after the uprisings and following obscene brutality from the IRI regime towards its own citizens, particularly women and girls, this Senate referred the situation in Iran to the Senate Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade References Committee for an inquiry, which I had the honour of chairing. That inquiry wasn't just about documenting atrocities; it was about demanding action to ensure that our government holds the IRI regime to account for its abhorrent actions against Iranians both in Iran and here in Australia. The report from that inquiry made 12 recommendations. Two were the most critical: to list the IRGC as a terrorist organisation, and to reduce diplomatic ties with the Iranian regime. That was February 2023. The Albanese government could have taken action then. Instead, they waited until yesterday, 2½ years on, to finally do so.

We in the coalition welcome yesterday's announcement, but here today I want to step through exactly what happened while the Albanese government dragged its feet in taking the action we all know has come far too late. We now know that in the middle of January 2023, the government was preparing to list the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the IRGC, as a terrorist organisation. The threat was known. The evidence was clear. The Attorney-General's Department was in possession of two documents: a statement of reasons and a nomination form to list the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. We also know that on 31 January 2023, the day before the foreign affairs committee was due to table its report, that same department made a late submission to the committee, stating that it had determined the IRGC couldn't be listed under the current legislative regime, because it was determined to be the organ of a nation state.

The next month, in February 2023, the then minister for home affairs, Clare O'Neil, publicly attributed a foreign interference attempt to the IRI regime. The coalition responded immediately and offered bipartisan support to the government for any legislative change required to allow the IRGC to be listed as a terrorist organisation, but those offers were ignored, and the opportunity to act decisively was missed. Six months later, on 13 September 2023, just days before the anniversary of Mahsa Amini's death, the government finally tabled its response to the Senate inquiry and made it clear that it would be rejecting those two key recommendations. I would have thought that moment, the anniversary of Mahsa Amini's death, could have inspired action. Instead, it exposed indifference on behalf of this government. It is a moment the Iranian diaspora will remember, not for courage but for cowardice. Then came the 7 October terror attacks in Israel. Hamas launched its brutal attack on Israeli citizens. The IRGC's role in training and financing Hamas is well documented, but still the Albanese government refused to act.

This Senate did not let the matter rest. In November 2023, and again in February 2024, we ordered the production of those documents I mentioned, prepared by the Attorney-General's Department. Those documents contained the statement of reasons for listing the IRGC before the idea was kiboshed by someone else in government—exactly who that was, we don't yet know. On both occasions when the Senate asked for those documents, the Attorney-General claimed public interest immunity, and the government continued to stall. Then, in October last year, one year on from the October 7 attacks, I moved a matter of urgency in this chamber, and I called on the government to list the IRGC as a terrorist organisation and to declare the Iranian ambassador persona non grata. We must remember that members of this government said in this chamber that moving that motion was utterly reckless and irresponsible.

A few days later, the consequences of that same inaction became tragically clear. On 20 October last year, we now know, the IRGC orchestrated a terrorist attack on Australian soil, on Lewis' Continental Kitchen in Bondi. In December they targeted the Adass Israel Synagogue in Melbourne. These were not isolated incidents. They didn't come out of nowhere. The reach and threat of the IRGC on Australian soil was longstanding, and the government had every reason to act, and it chose not to. When foreign agents orchestrate violence on Australian soil, the rules of engagement have to change. Our response must be swift, it must be firm and it must be unequivocal.

Finally, yesterday, the Prime Minister announced that the IRGC will be listed as a terrorist organisation under Australian law. I welcome this, but let's be clear: the listing is overdue, the delay has put lives at risk and it must never happen again. (Time expired)