Mehreen Faruqi (NSW, Australian Greens) Share this | Hansard source

I rise to speak about the National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022. This bill has been a long time coming—a very, very long time. The Greens wholeheartedly welcome the establishment of a federal anticorruption commission, something that we have been calling for, campaigning for and advocating for loudly and consistently for decades. Of course, we would prefer for it to meet fully the community expectations of having public hearings and stronger protections for journalists. I know that the Greens will move amendments to try to ensure that we do get the best possible anticorruption commission this week. Sadly, corruption has become part and parcel of Australian politics. And no wonder—Australia recorded its worst-ever score on the Corruption Perceptions Index, behind New Zealand, Singapore and Hong Kong in the Asia-Pacific.

One of the reasons that my husband and I left Pakistan was the political corruption that had set in over there. By the time I reached my 20s, corruption was taking hold in Pakistan. It was deep-seated and it was widespread. It became entrenched in politics, bureaucracy and institutions. I often remember my elders reminiscing about the good old days of statesmanlike politicians who dedicated their lives to the good of people and country. There was also this notion that trickled down to me that, while politics in Pakistan had become corrupt, things were very different in Western democracies. I was told that politicians there were public servants who had honesty and integrity. I had high hopes for Australian politicians and of the political system itself.

Soon after I joined politics in Australia, my belief in corruption-free, selfless politicians came crashing down. I've seen the worst of it in New South Wales politics. In my first year in the New South Wales parliament a staggering 10 state Liberal MPs resigned from the party or from their positions, under the shadow of corruption. I was really was shattered by these revelations, especially since I was hoping for things to be quite different in Australia. But the reality is that power corrupts, no matter where you are. That's why we need strong systems to hold power to account. New South Wales politics is notorious for its corruption scandals and dirty deals, many of which have only seen the light of day, and had perpetrators held to account, because of the existence of the strong, Independent Commission Against Corruption in New South Wales—and because of brave whistleblowers, investigators and journalists who act in the public interest. But corruption is not confined within the borders of New South Wales. The longer I spend in politics, the more I see the omnipresence of corruption. Even worse, it is often denied, covered up and defended.

Some of the outright corruption is of course largely legal. The very concept of political donations is about buying influence and purchasing favour. Political donations are dangerous because they distort political decision-making, favouring vested interests above good policy. This ultimately results in the abuse of power and of taxpayers' money.

Political donations and the wider capture of both parties by fossil fuel interests is perhaps the most egregious example in recent years. The fossil fuel industry is a substantial donor to both of the major parties through direct contributions and through industry associations. An ACF analysis of the donation receipts for 2020-2021, a non-federal election year, revealed the coalition received $1.3 million and the ALP received nearly $800,000 from fossil fuel companies, both significantly higher sums than those of the previous year. Donations from the fossil fuel lobby had the coalition so beholden to them that, embarrassingly, Australia was ranked dead last out of 193 countries for lack of action on climate change last year. While Labor is definitely better than the coalition on climate, their refusal to put an end to coal and gas—effectively a refusal to stop pouring fuel over the fire—as well as a refusal to rule out giving public money to these industries, is a pretty clear reflection that they too are in the pockets of dirty, morally bankrupt fossil fuel corporations.

Political donations serve to protect other industries whose social licences are under threat. Donations to the Liberals, Nationals and the Labor Party from betting companies, for instance, went some way to ensuring that the cruelty of horse racing and greyhound racing would go on unfettered. Then there's the use of public money to shore up a political party's chances of winning elections. We are all familiar with the sports rorts, the carpark rorts and the regional grants rorts. This immoral and corrupt pork-barrelling, with little recrimination from governments, has become just an accepted part of Australian politics, with some politicians excusing or even openly defending it. But we know pork-barrelling wastes taxpayers' money, undermines public trust in political leaders and institutions, and does promote a corrupt culture.

When ministers leave parliament, this is another way that corruption festers. When ministers leave parliament, they often swing straight into lucrative positions in companies they once regulated, or they swing right back into politics as lobbyists and are paid obscene amounts of money by corporations to influence decisions using their well-established political networks. This revolving door has become normalised across a range of industries, particularly in the fossil fuel industry and in the fields of defence and security, where former officials and public figures move seamlessly into highly paid positions without any apparent concern about conflicts of interest.

I must say that I remain really astounded by the depth and breadth of this corruption. It is so normalised that it goes on right under our noses. If it ever gets brought to light—there have been repercussions, resignations and even jail for some—so much of it is sanctioned by our lax laws and the well-established web of privileged connections that no-one is held accountable for much of it.

So it is no wonder that public trust in politics and politicians is low, and it is our job to re-establish that trust. An independent corruption watchdog at the federal level is a big step towards this, and I commend the government for acting quickly on this much-needed reform after coming into power—admittedly, after many, many years of hard campaigning by the Greens. But there is so much more to do. Let's ban dirty donations from industries like gambling, fossil fuels, alcohol and tobacco. Let's stop the revolving door between politics and industrial lobbyists. Let's end pork-barrelling. After all, a corruption watchdog is only as powerful as the rules that define corruption.