Angie Bell (Moncrieff, Liberal National Party, Shadow Minister for Youth) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Yes, for those listening from home, you've got me again. I'm here to represent Senator Kerrynne Liddle, a South Australian senator and an Indigenous senator from Adelaide and, actually, from the Northern Territory as well. Today I rise to speak on the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 and the associated National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026. At the outset, I acknowledge the seriousness of the issues facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children today, issues that demand practical action, accountability and relentless focus on outcomes on the front line. That is key. I acknowledge the upcoming anniversary of the National Apology to the Stolen Generations and the members of the Stolen Generations that will be present in the chamber this week for that very sad anniversary.

The bill empowers the national commissioner to promote, improve and support the rights, safety and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children while driving greater accountability for policies impacting this group. The associated transitional provisions bill ensures the continuity of the national commission as it transfers from an executive agency to a statutory authority. But this empowerment will do little. Indigenous Australians deserve more than symbolism. They deserve more than Canberra-centric bureaucracy. They do not need more talk. They do not need more consultation. They need resources and focus to be on the front line.

Melissa Price (Durack, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Science) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Action.

Angie Bell (Moncrieff, Liberal National Party, Shadow Minister for Youth) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

They need action, Member for Durack. And they certainly deserve more than legislation constructed to sound transformative while offering little substance to turn the dial on disadvantage. They need a government that's focused on outcomes, not headlines. We haven't seen that yet—not once from this Albanese government.

After carefully considering the bills, the detail of the proposed commission, the consultation undertaken and the record of this government, the coalition will oppose this legislation. There's no question that improved outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children must be a national priority. But the evidence is clear: under this Labor government, outcomes are simply going backwards. They're all spin, no substance—again, headlines, not the work.

Under Labor's watch, four Closing the Gap targets are worsening: adult incarceration, children in and out of home care, children commencing school developmentally on track, and suicide, which is very sad. Youth detention is up 11 per cent. Preschool attendance is down 2.6 per cent—and that was a big increase under the Morrison government—and 1.2 per cent fewer Indigenous children are developmentally on track when they start school. Child safety indicators are worsening, and the system is not responding quickly enough, yet the government's answer is another national bureaucracy rather than directing resources to the frontline services and communities where they are so desperately needed.

The Prime Minister has repeatedly pointed to structural change as the solution. But, in reality, structural change without functional outcomes is absolutely meaningless to a child living in overcrowded housing, exposed to violence, not attending school or, indeed, removed from their family. Structural change, Prime Minister, is not about building structures. It's about deploying the efforts of existing structures to maximum effect and dealing with those organisations you fund that are not contributing as intended. Because you are distracted, because you won't focus on frontline responses, we cannot support this.

This bill is not the answer. It's not even remotely the answer for those children who are in need. The government argues this bill would create an independent and empowered national commissioner by transitioning the current executive agency into a statutory authority. But when we look closely, it becomes clear this is not a commission designed to fix a failing system; it's a commission designed to look like reform. The commissioner's functions mirror what already exists across multiple Commonwealth, state and territory bodies. These functions include coordination, research, inquiry, advocacy, providing advice to government, engagement, programs for children and education initiatives. These responses are about talking action, not taking action.

The bill adds extensive, compulsory information-gathering powers, including the ability to compel individuals or organisations to provide information or appear before hearings, backed by civil penalties. But who could the commissioner be consulting that's not captured in consultation that governments and others undertake already? It will cost $33.5 million over the forward estimates, and it adds yet another layer of bureaucracy on top of a system already saturated with commissions, councils, working groups, peak bodies, statutory offices and advisory structures. This is just another expansion of the Albanese Labor government's big government policy.

What the bill does not add is a single measurable, practical improvement to the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people who need a response now. This body duplicates existing roles and function. It duplicates the work of the National Children's Commissioner, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner and the multiple Indigenous-specific children's commissioners already operating in the ACT, in Queensland, in South Australia and in Victoria. It overlaps with the Department of Social Services, which is already required to consult children and young people. It holds few functions not shared by state and territory child protection, education, youth justice and health agencies, where the real levers sit and which states and territories control.

This new commissioner's work is essentially about consultation, providing advice to government, undertaking research and advocacy. As the gap continues to widen on the Albanese government's watch, there is no gap that this commission will fill. Instead, the focus should be on ensuring existing bodies do their jobs. The government's focus must be on ensuring resources are applied where there is potential for the greatest and most immediate change, and that is in frontline services on the ground.

This commission reinforces and replays the Albanese government's track record of creating Canberra based structures to respond to community based challenges. It is bureaucracy masquerading as reform. The government says the commissioner will coordinate the efforts of states and territories, yet the bill offers no explanation of what powers or mechanisms the commissioner has to do so. There is no detail on how an educational program will be delivered across diverse remote communities nor an explanation of what unique power the national commissioner will have to speak directly to children when every government agency and independent commissioner already has that capability.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people regularly report consultation fatigue. It's unclear how the national commissioner will not just be an additional outreach body, consulting the same people on the same issues. Indigenous community leaders are clear, and their message is consistent: ample consultation has been done. It's now time for action, and it's time for implementation and respect for the work that has already been done, not time to reinvent the wheel.

It's extraordinary that this government's primary justification for this bill rests on consultation that was limited in scope, circular in nature and heavily reliant on advocates who are already supporters of the concept. The person most consulted ahead of establishing the commission was the same individual appointed as the inaugural commissioner, Sue-Anne Hunter, fresh from her previous role as commissioner of the Yoorrook Justice Commission. The government relied heavily on a single one-off First Nations Youth Roundtable, tied closely to SNAICC—again, one of the most vocal proponents of this commission. Stakeholder diversity was limited, and alternative perspectives, including from frontline workers—such as child protection case managers and school principals in remote communities—and families themselves, were not meaningfully included. You would think that they know what they're talking about. They're living it. And yet, against the evidence, this government claims the bill reflects the voices of children.

This national commission will be rich in symbolism but devoid of practical measures. We see this so often under the Albanese Labor government. Symbolic policymaking for the headline has become the hallmark of this government. The bill uses expansive language about human rights and cultural identity but fails to address why children are unsafe, why school attendance is failing, why youth detention is rising or why entire communities are struggling to maintain stable environments for their young people. The government cannot continue to ignore the real failures of existing systems only to shift accountability to a new body when those systems fail. The job of ministers in this government is to demand accountability, not divest it to someone else. The first job of any government, we know, is to keep its people safe. Protecting vulnerable children is not a job the Albanese government can outsource.

Let me be clear: everyone in this place is on a unity ticket that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children deserve every opportunity to grow up safe, to grow up supported and to grow up thriving. But there is nothing in this bill that ensures outcome change. The Closing the gap report, due for release later this week, will likely try to gloss over worsening indicators for children in care, children developmentally on track and children experiencing harm. The government will attempt to point to this bill as proof that it's taking action to make a difference, but codifying a national commissioner with the power to write reports does not put a child in school. It does not remove a child from danger. It does not support parents to rear healthier, happier and safer children.

This position will cost the taxpayer millions but do nothing to address the issues most immediately affecting those Indigenous children and young people around our nation. Despite the best intentions, the national commissioner will not close the gap. The government must be judged not on the number of bureaucratic structures it creates but on the outcomes it achieves for the most vulnerable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people—those that need the most help or are in the most danger.

Currently, state and territory governments hold responsibility for the key systems impacting children: education, child protection, corrections and health. Nationally, the Department of Social Services, the National Indigenous Australians Agency and the Coalition of Peaks also hold major roles in supporting Closing the Gap outcomes. As Minister McCarthy stated when scrapping cross-portfolio Indigenous estimates last year, improving outcomes for Indigenous Australians is a whole-of-government priority. It is therefore those agencies that must be held accountable by her—by the minister—not by a third party, a so-called independent commissioner. This bill explicitly shifts that accountability away from government and onto the commissioner. It's a part of our Westminster system that the minister is responsible. We've seen this in portfolio after portfolio. We've seen it in environment and now we're seeing it in social services. It does so by establishing a body that will drive accountability for policies impacting this group. The only real opportunity that exists here is for responsible ministers to blame the commissioner, not the ministers responsible and the policy responses that contribute to making the gap much worse.

The cost of this commission, I will reiterate, is $33.51 million over the forward estimates and $9.33 million ongoing. The funding could instead support dozens and dozens of remote school attendance programs, fund additional child protection workers in crisis-level regions, strengthen domestic violence interventions, support alcohol restrictions and community safety plans, or provide early developmental support for vulnerable children. What about that organisation in the Northern Territory, Indi Kindi, that does fantastic work in the early childhood education and care space? Every dollar should go where it makes the greatest difference. That's why the coalition has always prioritised frontline delivery, not bureaucratic expansion—bigger government. That's what this Albanese Labor government is all about—expanding government jobs, spending taxpayer money on more wages for government jobs.

The coalition's position is guided by longstanding principles. Australia has had enough symbolic gestures. Real improvements demand evidence based interventions. The answer is stronger governance, performance monitoring and transparency of existing organisations, not additional bodies that diffuse responsibility. Funding must flow to organisations with proven governance and results, not those with the loudest voices, and the government must act to end funding to those whose operations fail the very people they exist to help. The coalition is focused on breaking welfare dependency, supporting families and ensuring children attend school—all protective factors that change trajectories and that change lives. Strengthening the family unit is absolutely what the Liberal Party stands for and what the coalition stands for. When we help families, we help children and we help communities. Finally, community-level challenges will never be solved from Canberra.

These principles stand in stark contrast to what this bill represents. The coalition has further, deeper concerns about this bill that must be addressed. This government has repeatedly elevated structures, panels and bureaucratic bodies in place of genuine engagement and measurable improvements. Across multiple areas, including family violence, youth justice, community safety and child protection, the Albanese government has consistently failed to listen to the voices of children. For instance, the University of Adelaide's report into the impacts of the cessation of the cashless debit card, vetted and watered down by the Department of Social Services, notably did not include a single child's voice.

If the Albanese government were serious about improving outcomes, it would prioritise practical, measurable interventions; it would introduce policies to improve school attendance, especially in remote communities where attendance rates have collapsed; it would strengthen child protection systems, ending the care criminalisation cycle where children in out-of-home care all too often end up in contact with youth justice; it would support early childhood development, ensuring every child commences school on track—as the National Children's Commissioner titled her landmark report, children need 'help way earlier'—and it would also confront the drivers of violence, not just talk about them. This means responding to the havoc wreaked by the Albanese government's reckless decisions to allow alcohol restrictions to lapse in the Northern Territory and the ideological removal of the cashless debit card, which was working. It was getting results. It is those things that contributed to the outcomes ending up much, much worse for remote Indigenous communities specifically. None of these priorities are meaningfully advanced by the creation of the national commissioner.

For all of these reasons, the coalition will oppose this bill. We oppose it because it duplicates existing structures. We oppose it because it diverts funding away from frontline needs—the Australians who need it the most. We oppose it because it shifts accountability away from the agencies responsible for delivering services. We oppose it because it relies on symbolic gestures instead of practical on-the-ground solutions. And, most importantly, we oppose it because Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people deserve better. Australia's most vulnerable children do not need another Canberra based bureaucracy. They do not need more reports, more advisory bodies or more symbolic gestures. What they do need is functioning schools, safer homes, stronger families and accountable systems. They need their government to act, not to outsource.

This bill will not change outcomes. It will not close the gap, and it will not rescue a single child from neglect, from violence or from disadvantage. The coalition stands ready to support any measure that genuinely improves the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, but this is simply not one of them. It's time for greater accountability and a focus on ensuring existing bodies do their jobs. That's the only way to turn the dial. The coalition will not be supporting this bill.

Julie-Ann Campbell (Moreton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

It's a bit rich standing up here listening to the member for Moncrieff talk about the need to focus on outcomes not headlines. In a nod to that comment, I had a look at the headlines that are in the newspapers not earlier this week, last week or a month ago, but the headlines that are in the newspapers right here, right now, today. I want to read them to you: 'Taylor timing tested as Hume demands answers from Ley', 'Angus Taylor in meeting with top moderate Anne Ruston', 'Embarrassing—doco reveals rare look into Libs turmoil', 'Hume's blunt exchange with Ley in closed-door party room meeting'—

Julian Leeser (Berowra, Liberal Party, Shadow Attorney-General) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise on a point of order. I'd ask that you direct the speaker to speak on the bill before the House not about headlines that are irrelevant to the matters before the House today. None of these matters have to do with the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People, and I'd encourage her to focus on the matters relating to the bill.

Rob Mitchell (McEwen, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Just on the point of order. It's been a wide-ranging debate and there was, before the member for Berowra walked in, a whole range of discussions that went on. So the member for Moreton is entitled, in the first minute of her speech, to be able to put things into context.

Lisa Chesters (Bendigo, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I thank both members for their contribution and will be listening carefully to the remarks from the member for Moreton. The member for Moreton may continue.

Julie-Ann Campbell (Moreton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

What was made clear when the member for Moncrieff spoke about those headlines that we have seen is that the focus of those opposite in this place is not on First Nations children; it's not on outcomes that deliver better healthcare, better education for First Nations children. The focus of the opposition is on themselves.

At the start of every parliamentary sitting day, the Speaker gives his acknowledgement to the traditional owners of this land, the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people. I too would like to acknowledge them in this place and pay my respects to the elders past and present from all the lands represented in this place and, in my electorate of Moreton, to the Yuggera and Turrbal people. Taking this small moment to reflect reminds us that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, the custodians of the world's oldest living continuous culture, are not just part of Australia's past; First Nations people are a vital part of our present and our future. Their languages, cultures, knowledge systems and deep custodianship of country remain alive today, shaping and enriching our nation. Recognising this truth helps us think honestly about Australia's history and how it still influences the present and the part we all play in building a fairer future together. Any discussion such as the debate here today must reflect the importance of that.

So today I want to preface my speech with a further acknowledgement. Current systems still impact First Nations people disproportionately, and many families continue to feel the effects of intergenerational prejudice and disadvantage. Despite these challenges, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities show incredible cultural strength, resilience and connection. That strength continues to shine through, even in the face of ongoing barriers and adversity. But First Nations people shouldn't have to rely on their resilience. And that is what the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 addresses.

This bill delivers on Labor's commitment to establish a permanent, independent and empowered national commissioner and National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People. This will give Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people the voice they need to be heard by government—a voice that deserves to be heard—ensuring the advice and recommendations given are authentic. The commission will apply a strong, coordinated national focus to systemic issues and support Australia's commitments to human rights. This national commission is urgently needed. The statistics tell an incredibly challenging story, but it's a challenging story where we have the ability to change the ending. This is reflected in the Closing the Gap data over the last decade. This has consistently indicated that progress on issues affecting Aboriginal and Torres Islander children and young people is stalling.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people are 11 times more likely to be in out-of-home care than non-Indigenous children, and they are 27 times more likely to be in youth detention. The national commission will be dedicated to improving outcomes by providing strong oversight and a clear focus on the systemic issues affecting their lives every single day. The national commissioner will help ensure governments are held to account and are supported to deliver better results that will affect our young people's lives. With more than 400,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people across the breadth and depth of this nation, this role has the potential to create meaningful, long-term change for generations to come, and it cannot come soon enough.

The national commission will build on the work of Lil Gordon, who was Acting National Commissioner from 25 January and who prepared the national commission for its transition to an independent agency. During this time, the acting national commissioner actively built relationships, identified areas for collaboration and brought together stakeholders to discuss a range of pressing issues. These coordinated efforts have helped organise priorities. At the same time, the acting national commissioner developed key internal systems and policies, including the creation of a child-safe framework. This framework will guide how the national commission engages with children and young people in ways that are safe, in ways that are culturally respectful and in ways that are trauma informed, which will set the commission up for success.

This standalone legislation is essential to ensure that the national commission can function as a truly independent body. It will enable the national commission to be a strong, authoritative voice that promotes accountability and improves outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people, and it will give the commission the mandate to advocate for their rights and the mandate to push for meaningful, system-wide reform. At present, the interim arrangements do not give the commissioner the full powers needed to carry out the role effectively. They need those full powers to ensure that this is being addressed at a systemic level, to ensure that it is being addressed in a way that understands the deep root causes and to ensure that there are fundamentally better outcomes in every facet of children and young people's lives.

Under the current set-up, the commissioner cannot conduct formal inquiries, make recommendations and report to parliament or use important information-gathering powers. These limitations restrict the ability of the commission to hold governments to account and to deliver the strong, informed advocacy required to improve the systems which are adversely impacting on children and young people. Sue-Anne Hunter was appointed to the role of National Commissioner in August 2025. The legislation's increased mandates mean that the national commissioner's role is substantial and effective. The commissioner will be responsible for promoting and protecting the rights, interests, safety, wellbeing and development of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. The commissioner will identify the systemic barriers that continue to affect this cohort by gaining a clearer understanding of where systems are falling short and where meaningful reform is needed in order to improve outcomes.

An important aspect of the work is the recognition that strength based, culturally informed practice is central to better outcomes. This will be combined with work to increase awareness and to increase empowerment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children around their rights, around their interests and, fundamentally, around their real, lived experiences in community.

Ultimately, these efforts will work together to drive stronger accountability across governments. The goal is to ensure that policies, programs and services improve so that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people experience better, fairer and more positive outcomes. We know that so many people are doing fantastic work in our local communities to improve outcomes. In my own seat on Brisbane's south side, the seat of Moreton, we have the Murri School, which is led by a wonderful principal and a fantastic staff, who work every day with young people who are Indigenous to better their outcomes, to better their pathways towards good and secure employment, to better their lives. But they need some backup, and that's what this bill does.

The national commissioner will be empowered to strengthen coordination across Australian government agencies with the aim of developing a more consistent and effective approach to supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. This will include all state and territory children's commissioners, guardians and advocates as well as the National Children's Commissioner and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner. This collaboration doesn't mean duplication. It means the national commissioner will be able to make and receive referrals and direct issues to the most appropriate entity. It means that we can have a system that talks to each other, that understands each other and that, in doing so, better addresses the outcomes so desperately needed.

Another important function is providing guidance to the Commonwealth on how policies, programs and services should be designed and delivered to ensure that government decisions genuinely reflect needs and realities. The role also involves researching the broader system-level barriers and challenges affecting the rights, wellbeing, safety and development. As I've mentioned, empowering children and young people is a major focus. It's the focal point. This includes offering education programs that help them understand their rights and strengthen their ability to advocate autonomously on their views, their needs, their experiences and the issues that are impacting them on a day-to-day basis.

There is also a strong public advocacy element, promoting the rights, wellbeing, safety and development of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people while amplifying their voices and highlighting their strengths. The national commissioner will be expected to engage directly with a wide range of children and young people, supporting them to lead, supporting them to speak up and supporting them to exercise their own important agency. The national commissioner can conduct inquiries, commission research, provide expert advice and make recommendations.

Collaboration is absolutely essential to this work, including partnerships with the Human Rights Commission and a wide range of organisations and research institutes and engagement with international human rights bodies, such as relevant UN mechanisms. There has been extensive stakeholder consultation from 2023 onwards. In the lead-up to the introduction of the bill, and the bill is supported by the Secretariat of National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care, the peak body.

These reforms have been a very long time coming. Advocates started calling for them in the 1980s, over a generation ago, at a time when the young people of today weren't even born yet. It's our responsibility in this place to work for this generation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. In setting up this national commission, we are putting in place the structure for a better and fairer life and opportunities for generations beyond this one too.

I'll leave my final words to the new national commissioner, who said:

The introduction of this Bill is a critical moment for the future of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. Never before has there been a Bill like this that puts our children first.

…   …   …

Statistics show that we are at risk of losing another generation to systems that have failed our people for generations. This is a bleak future, and one that we cannot allow for our children.

This is a future that, in this place, we can now change.

Tim Wilson (Goldstein, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Small Business) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

There is no ambiguity about the support that I would hope comes from all members of this chamber on the importance of making sure the next generation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children has the same economic opportunities and advancement that every other Australian child has. We want them to go on and get a good education, to grow up in a healthy and safe environment and, more importantly, to then mature in a way that enables them to live out the best of their lives.

There are many institutions that seek to do exactly that, from the many social support organisations in cities and rural and regional areas throughout schooling—I know this has been a big focus of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy for a long time. In fact, without wanting to verbal him, my good friend Mick Gooda says that if we do something to make sure we address the challenges of the next generation—even if it means recognising the limitations of what we can do today for those alive—we will materially improve the future for all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people hereafter. I agree; he is a good friend of mine. The Tudor family established the Melbourne Indigenous Transition School to ensure that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children have a pathway to live the best of the opportunities of our country. That is central, but one of the things that's clear is that the best way to deliver change, the best way to advance the interests of the next Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander generation, is to work on the ground and in the community.

The thing that disappoints me about these bills, the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026, and the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026, is that—as with so many of the things this government seeks to do—they create another bureaucracy. Rather than looking at empowerment in the community, they look at how they can impose another central, big-government, big-Canberra solution on communities that need to be built from the ground up. That's the challenge so many of us have with these bills.

We know the data and the consequences of decades of Canberra thinking it can tell Indigenous communities how they should live their lives and imposing solutions on them rather than empowering them. We know full well that there's already a commissioner for children at the Human Rights Commission. I have served as Australia's Human Rights Commissioner. There is already a commissioner responsible for children. There is already a commissioner for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. These bills are some sort of admonishment, saying they're not doing their job. They are. They're working as hard and as diligently as possible. But we know that we have to support community based solutions to empower communities, rather than support Canberra to impose its solution without any sense of direction or clarity about how to improve people's lives.

If this government was really serious about improving the welfare of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, particularly in community, it would revisit its demonisation and targeting of the healthy welfare card, which went a long way to stopping the abuse of alcohol within communities. It is particularly setting children up for failure right from the outset because of the spread of fetal alcohol syndrome. Unfortunately, this government's record on these issues is not as good as it would like it to be. There's a reason there are still so many problems around closing the gap for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.

Let's be under no ambiguity about this: it is a disgrace that we still have the scale of the gap that exists for our Indigenous and First Nations people. We absolutely should want them to live out their best lives. But when the government deliberately strips apart a pathway to stop the abuse of alcohol and drugs within a community, without any recognition of how it harms those most vulnerable, it has its priorities wrong. It cannot be solved through the imposition of a new commissioner or a new bureaucracy from Canberra thinking they know best or there is a better way they can impose on community. That's the challenge of this bill. It doesn't create the structural solutions that we need—

Sharon Claydon (Newcastle, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. Debate may be resumed at a later hour, and the member will be granted leave to continue speaking when the debate is resumed.