Tim Wilson (Goldstein, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Small Business) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I move that so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent me from moving the following motion immediately: That the House (1) notes that, during the matter-of-public-importance discussion on 5 February 2026, the Minister for Small Business suggested that 33, 426 small—

Terry Young (Longman, Liberal National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Order! If you're going to move the suspension of standing orders, it has to be relevant to the bill in question. What you're doing was relevant to the previous bill, which has now been finished. We've now moved on to the next bill.

Tim Wilson (Goldstein, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Small Business) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Sorry, Deputy Speaker, but we haven't commenced with a speaker.

Andrew Leigh (Fenner, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Productivity, Competition, Charities and Treasury) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

We've got a speaker.

Tim Wilson (Goldstein, Liberal Party, Shadow Minister for Small Business) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I can suspend at any time, Deputy Speaker.

Terry Young (Longman, Liberal National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

We've called on the next item. Once the clerk has called on that item of business—we're now on that item of business.

Zhi Soon (Banks, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Since the federal election last year, I have had the pleasure of serving as a member of the House Standing Committee on Education, and I am so pleased to rise in support of the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025 and the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2025.

Early in 2024, the government released the final report of the Australian Universities Accord. It is a blueprint for higher education reform over the next two decades. The report identified the absence of a dedicated steward as a critical gap in the tertiary education system and its ability to plan for future needs, improve equity and quality outcomes, and deliver on national priorities. The legislation before the House responds to this gap and implements one of the report's key recommendations. The accord's report notes that in the years ahead more jobs are going to require more skills and that, to meet the needs of our economy, we will need to increase the proportion of people in the workforce who hold a certificate, a diploma or a degree to about 80 per cent. This inevitably means more students completing qualifications at our universities and at our TAFEs.

The challenge we face as a government is how we set our tertiary education system up to meet the growing demand for higher education needed to satisfy the future skills needs of our country. The reforms contained in the bills before the House are part of this Labor government's answer. The primary bill establishes the Australian Tertiary Education Commission as a steward of the tertiary system. The commission will help deliver the reforms to our system that are needed to meet our future skills needs and reach that 80 per cent target by encouraging greater diversity amongst higher education providers, providing expert advice to government on higher education policy settings, monitoring targets and helping to deliver a joined-up system that makes it easier for students to get the qualifications they need.

On a more technical level, the bill provides for the commission's structure, led by three independent expert commissioners, each appointed by the Minister for Education for a period of up to five years. Collectively, these commissioners will bring a balance of expertise and experience across higher education, vocational education and tertiary governance.

The formal independence of the commission will be one of its key strengths, making decisions grounded in evidence and transparency. The commission will have a range of advisory and decision-making functions encompassing negotiation, mission based compacts with providers in the sector, provision of advice on requests to state and federal ministers, and making recommendations on updates to the Higher Education Standards Framework.

It is also intended that future legislation will allow the commission to allocate managed growth and needs based funding for domestic student places through higher education institutions as well as provide a framework for allocating international student commencements when directed by the government. The mission based compacts are an interesting concept and will be one of the key mechanisms for the commission's engagement with higher education providers. The purpose of compacts is to enable providers to demonstrate how their institution's core purpose and goals align with national, state and local priorities as well as industry engagement and innovations in teaching and learning, serving as a structured framework for interaction between providers and the commission. Such an approach will ensure national priorities and outcomes are met while still enabling higher education providers to pursue unique goals and missions of their own.

These compacts are not without enforcement capabilities. Each will include a limited but meaningful set of performance objectives agreed collaboratively with the commission. Additionally, if a compact with the commission is not in force for a year, this could lead to enforcement action being taken under the Higher Education Support Act.

Importantly, this government is focused on making sure that people from backgrounds where they previously might not have gone on to higher education can find their place in the system. This legislation places equity at the core of the commission's work by requiring the improvement of outcomes for persons facing significant systemic barriers, including but not limited to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, people with disabilities and people living in regional and rural communities. The bill provides the commission with the power to advise on improving participation from such groups.

It should be noted that this concept is not being implemented untested. The interim commission began its work on 1 July last year, led by Professor Mary O'Kane, Distinguished Professor Larissa Behrendt and Professor Barney Glover. They have been working hard to lay the foundations for the permanent establishment of the commission. Professor Tom Calma and the Hon. Fiona Nash have recently been appointed commissioners, replacing Professor O'Kane and Distinguished Professor Behrendt as the commission continues to move forward. I'd also like to take the opportunity to thank all the hardworking higher education professionals who we will be relying on to do the work involved in achieving our skills goals, as well as the representatives in my state: the National Tertiary Education Union, the Teachers Federation and the United Workers Union.

This government believes that, in order to achieve the goals we are setting—the experts tell us what we need to meet them—we have to set up our tertiary education system for the future. However, we must do so with a view to supporting students. The government has taken the needs of tertiary education students seriously, and the results are clear. At the most recent election, we made a clear promise that the first piece of legislation we would pass in the 48th Parliament would be a bill to take 20 per cent off the student debt balance of every single Australian who had one. This included cutting the debt of more than 20,000 people in my electorate of Banks. This side of the House recognises that the HECS system needs reform, and we are delivering it. By capping indexation on HECS debts to the lower of the CPI and the WPI, moving to a marginal repayment system and raising the minimum repayment threshold, we are making the system better and fairer for all.

We also know that, for many students, even once they make it to university, there are barriers that prevent them from reaching their full academic potential. The government's network of suburban and regional university study hubs offers an innovative solution to improving access by bringing universities closer to their students. They provide study spaces and support to navigate administration and improve academic skills, as well as general student wellbeing, for any student who might need it. These spaces have been a tremendous success, and this government is doubling the number of university study hubs by establishing 20 new regional hubs and 14 new suburban ones.

The government understands that not everybody needs to go to university to get the qualifications that they need, and we are determined to ensure that Australians can lead successful lives without the need for a university degree. This is why the government established fee-free TAFE in the last term of parliament to make sure that students could get their qualifications in sectors with incredibly high demand without being saddled with debt. The results speak for themselves: more than 700,000 students across the country have enrolled since the start of this program. While some people in this place like to talk down this program, it is saving Australian students thousands of dollars and helping to fill our major skills shortages in the care, early childhood education and construction sectors. That is why this government legislated to make fee-free TAFE permanent.

This government has also recognised that if we want to see more students taking up courses for in-demand skills, we need to support them more effectively while they are undertaking their education. For students in courses including teaching nursing, midwifery and social work, completing mandatory placements meant stopping their regular employment. In some cases, it created a significant barrier to completing their courses and entering the workforce. From July last year, 73,000 students from across Australia have been eligible for the government's paid prac payment, the first ever financial support of its kind. To support construction and clean energy apprentices, payments of $10,000 assist with their studies.

These measures all form part of the government's broader higher education agenda. When we look at the accord's recommendations, this Labor government, this Albanese government, has implemented 31 of the 47 recommendations in full or in part. Further measures include increasing the number of free university bridging courses, requiring higher education providers to allocate a minimum of 40 per cent of student services and amenities fees to student led organisations, making demand driven Commonwealth support places available to all First Nations students where they have the marks to get in, and making campuses safer by introducing the National Student Ombudsman and the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence. This is an agenda that is achieving results in Australia for Australian students.

I spoke in my first speech to this House about my passion for education and making sure its transformational power is felt by as many young people as possible across our great country. Education policy is something I spent a large part of my career working on prior to coming to this place. I am so proud to be part of a government with an agenda for education that will deliver in the tertiary system. It's delivering record investments in public education in the biggest commitment by any Australian government ever in order to fully fund every single public school in Australia by increasing the share of funding provided by the federal government. It's delivering greater access to early childhood education and getting fees down for parents to make sure that students, our young ones, our young kids, are ready to start school. Of course, as I've spoken about already, it's delivering higher education policy that works for Australian students by cutting student debt, paying students during their mandatory placements and, with the legislation before the House today, establishing a commission to make sure that the higher education system is working on filling our national skills gap and the advancement of our students across the country.

Kate Chaney (Curtin, Independent) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

by leave—To continue my remarks on the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025 from the last sitting day, I also want to address the issue of international student caps. This bill provides ATEC with the function to allocate international student caps for different universities and providers at the request of the minister. As I understand it from discussions with the minister's office, further legislation is required to provide the minister with the power to set enforceable caps for international students at individual universities and providers before ATEC can use this function. So this bill paves the way for future legislation that will allow for enforceable international student caps.

The government tried to introduce this power in 2024. I strongly opposed it at the time, and the bill failed to pass. I continue to oppose hard caps as a policy tool. Hard caps are often sold as a housing solution. They are not. Housing supply and structural reform are the real solutions for the housing crisis. International student caps risk damaging Australia's international reputation, undermining a major export industry and destabilising university funding without delivering meaningful relief for our cost-of-living problems. But if the government insists on moving in that direction then it is better that international student caps are set by an expert steward working with universities individually rather than by blunt command and control ministerial settings. For now, though, I maintain that setting hard caps is the wrong answer.

I won't make an amendment to remove this role for ATEC, because it's not a bad insurance policy in case future laws are passed to give the minister that power. The accord makes a powerful case for ATEC, and I agree with that case in principle. But I will not support a bill that creates an ATEC that's not independent, not adequately constituted and not equipped to do the job it was created to do. If ATEC is not meaningfully different from the department, if it cannot initiate and publish robust advice, if it cannot build its own capability and if it cannot credibly steward the system over time, then it will not solve the problems that the accord identified.

That's why I oppose this bill as drafted. I will move amendments to make ATEC independent, capable and fit for purpose, and if the government is serious about delivering the accord's vision then it should accept them.

Steve Georganas (Adelaide, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak about this very important bill, a bill that will shape the future of how we learn, how we train and how we prepare our country for decades ahead. Of course, I'm talking about the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025 and its companion, the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2025

At their core, these bills are about creating a stronger, fairer and more coordinated tertiary education system for everyone. For years we've asked our universities and our TAFEs to do a huge amount of heavy lifting, and they've done a great job. They've served us well, but they've had to do it without a central body looking ahead. We need the central body looking ahead, planning across the whole system and making sure that Australia is ready for the challenges and the opportunities of the future.

The truth is Australia's been missing parts of the bigger picture sometimes, and that's exactly what the Australian Tertiary Education Commission, or ATEC, is designed to fix. ATEC will act as the system's big-picture planner. It will guide how universities and vocational education work together, not just for the next year but for the next generation. That's so important, because it isn't something that we just dreamed up. The Australian Universities Accord Panel released its final report in 2024. This was the government's major review of the higher education sector, and it spelled out clearly that, without a dedicated and independent steward like ATEC, Australia can't properly prepare for our future skills needs or meet the expectations of students.

The accord report made a powerful point: in the coming decades, around 80 per cent of all new jobs will require a TAFE or university qualification—80 per cent. That means more Australians will need to be able to access tertiary education and more pathways into study—whether it be through TAFE or through other higher educational options—and more support to actually complete the courses. So this bill is about getting ahead of that challenge of seeking the future, seeing what it'll be like and preparing ourselves for the future demands.

Out of the 47 recommendations from the accord report, this government is implementing 31, and that includes some major improvements: doubling the number of university hubs across regional and suburban Australia, making it easier for people to study close to home—we know that, when you have options to study closer to home, it becomes a much easier task; expanding free university bridging courses, helping more Australians get the skills they need to begin a degree; and something students have been asking for for many, many years, and that is paid practical. For the first time, university students doing mandatory placements in areas like nursing, teaching and social work will finally receive some financial relief. We all know the pressures students are under. Many work part-time jobs. They're looking after family members and dealing with rising costs all while studying, so paid prac will be life-changing for so many students.

We're also strengthening student advocacy. Under the new rules, at least 40 per cent of student services and amenity fees must go to student led organisations, making sure that students have a real voice on campus. And we're expanding Commonwealth Supported Places for First Nations students and introducing a national code to better respond to gender based violence in higher education, something that has been urgently needed. Let's not forget: we've already cut HECS debts by 20 per cent for current students and graduates, and that's real relief for so many Australian students.

ATEC is the next great thing this government will implement. This new commission will have a clear mission guided by the new National Tertiary Education Objective. Basically, one shared vision for the whole tertiary system means universities and TAFEs will finally be working towards the same goals, not competing or operating in separate silos. ATEC will have three expert commissioners—a chief commissioner, a First Nations commissioner and another commissioner—with deep expertise. At least one must have strong VET knowledge, because vocational education is just as important as university education. These commissioners a appointed based on experience, not politics, and they'll make decisions based on evidence, research, fairness and what's best for Australian students, enforcing the commission's independence.

One of ATEC's main jobs will be working with universities to create mission based compacts. These are agreements that spell out what each university actually stands for—their strengths, their goals and how they serve their community. And every university, of course, is different. Some lead in medical research, others in teaching, others in science and others in regional development or industry partnerships. These compacts will reflect that diversity while still lining up with national goals. We want to ensure that they're not rigid. They'll evolve as circumstances change, when different needs arise through different industries. If a university hits a bump in the road, where enrolments shift or there are economic changes or workforce shortages, ATEC won't punish them; it will work alongside them and to adjust the compact if needed to achieve their objectives and help them improve. It's about a partnership. It's not about punishment. Only if a university consistently fails to meet its commitments and only after genuine engagement would ATEC take stronger measures like applying a default compact.

This is about fairness, accountability and supporting high-quality education across the broader spectrum. It's about creating a stable and universal system to support higher educational institutions and, of course, students. In the years ahead, as the government introduces needs based funding and a more sustainable growth system for students places, ATEC will help manage that growth so it's strategic and supports national priorities. It may also have a role in allocating international student commencements in the future. Importantly, equity is built into the heart of this reform. ATEC must always consider the needs of people who face barriers to education, such as First Nations students, people with disabilities, those from lower income backgrounds and Australians living in regional or remote areas. To support this, they'll have a dedicated First Nations commissioner and a First Nations advisory committee, ensuring Indigenous voices sit at the centre of decision-making.

Finally, ATEC won't be working in a vacuum; it'll be consulting widely with universities, students, industry, state and tertiary governments, and communities. Every year it'll publish a state and tertiary education system report so everyone can see how we're tracking. This is very exciting news—especially for my home state of South Australia, with the high-tech defence builds that are taking place. We will need, it's estimated, over 30,000 employees over the next 10 to 15 years. Many of them will come through universities, TAFEs and higher technical learning. ATEC will play a massive role in the universities' goals and where they specialise, ensuring we're training students and people for the future positions that will exist not just in South Australia but all over Australia.

When we think of education and we go back to my days in school—or your days, Deputy Speaker Young—there are now job titles and technology that weren't even dreamt of back then. This is evolving so quickly, so we need to be on top of it. As high-tech industries evolve and come to fruition, we need to be prepared with a workforce—and that workforce will come from universities and TAFEs, and through higher learning.

I commend these bills to the House. It is a very good policy area that ensures we plan for the future and we plan together in partnership with our universities, TAFEs and vet courses, to ensure we produce the workforce that's required to keep this country's economy going for many years into the future.

Sam Birrell (Nicholls, National Party, Shadow Assistant Minister for Regional Health) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I, too, rise to speak on the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025 and the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2025. I acknowledge the support for the principle of ATEC in the university sector, but, given the flaws, omissions and governance issues in this legislation, I have reservations about a further bureaucracy in the tertiary sector and the way that that bureaucracy would be structured and operate. The Nationals and the coalition believe in less regulation and less red tape, not more of it. The combination of additional regulation and duplication, or regulatory overlap, is even less desirable.

I also have concerns about the lack of regional representation on the commission. This is a great concern, and it goes against the recommendations of the accord report for the ATEC board to include several further commissioners, including an equity commissioner and a regional education commissioner. There are also concerns around the lack of independence in ATEC. ATEC will prepare reports and provide advice and recommendations if requested by the minister, and the minister will dictate what it should be providing advice on.

The bills enshrine a national tertiary education objective for which ATEC must have regard—among other things, driving a national, economic and social development and environmental sustainability, as recommended in the report. ATEC, around these parameters, will negotiate new tailored mission based compacts. What are those missions, and on what basis are they driving national, economic and social development and environmental sustainability? Those things, and how to achieve those aspects in our country—and what those aspects even are—are highly contested, including in this place. I would hate to see the tertiary sector, via a commission, be the instrument through which a minister of the day directs it to try and drive a certain type of ideology.

In terms of regional education, standalone regional universities and universities that have committed long-term to regional campuses should be specifically recognised in any commission and in any focus on any bureaucracy—indeed, by the existing department—on growth funding and sustainability. We must have comfort around what an additional layer of bureaucracy will achieve in the tertiary sector, and we should have questions in respect to the cost of ATEC. ATEC will cost $54 million. That's $54 million for a bureaucracy that is designed to direct. Not one cent of that $54 million goes to students or their actual education. So it's another layer of education bureaucracy delivered at considerable cost. Will it deliver what we need, and is it merely going to duplicate things that are being done or should be being done by the Department of Education?

Many people in this place have talked about how important tertiary education is and what an incredible impact it can have on people's and families' lives. It's the same with me. I've always thought, when it comes to tertiary education, particularly in this day and age as opposed to previously—previously tertiary education was seen as something you did when you left school, but, now, it's becoming something that people can access at different times in their lives—that when people can access tertiary education is critically important. Being from a regional electorate, I argue strongly that where they can access tertiary education is extremely important. Tertiary education needs to be relevant to critical thinking and the contest of ideas. I worry that the way this legislation is worded tries to direct the tertiary sector in certain directions without that overlay of critical thinking and a battle of ideas.

The coalition has a strong record of supporting universities, particularly regional universities. In my own electorate, the previous coalition government funded an expansion of the La Trobe University campus, and that has had a significant impact on the delivery of tertiary education opportunities for people who, for a variety of reasons, can't go to capital cities to participate. In addition, one of the great initiatives of the previous coalition government, working together with the tertiary sector, was to develop the medicine pathway of the Bachelor of Biomedical Science undergraduate degree, leading into a Doctor of Medicine postgraduate degree. Apart from the James Cook program in Townsville, it's the first time there's been a regional end-to-end medical degree. The first lot of graduates graduated earlier this year, and I was there to see that. Talking to these students—these are students who would never have got involved and would never have done a medical degree if they had had to go to a city to do it. But, because it was offered in their hometown—namely, in greater Shepparton—we are going to get some fabulous new, young doctors who have a regional focus.

In addition, my own experience is of a Bachelor of Agricultural Science, which I completed at the Dookie campus of the University of Melbourne. It is commendable that a university such as the University of Melbourne has a commitment to a regional campus and a regional area and to agricultural science, which is best delivered in the regions.

ATEC was one of the recommendations from the Australian Universities Accord report. This was published in February 2024. The legislation enshrines the national tertiary education objective, which I've spoken about. On 27 November 2025, these bills were referred to the Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee. The committee is due to report towards the end of this month—on 26 February, I believe. I, and others around the parliament, will be very interested in their findings and recommendations. Perhaps, it would have been wise to get those findings and recommendations as part of helping draft this legislation.

The same committee held a previous inquiry into the quality of governance at Australian higher education providers, and it reported in December 2025, and additional opposition comments noted, the 'increasingly dense and fragmented regulatory environment' that the tertiary education sector faced. If they're saying that there's an increasingly dense and fragmented regulatory environment, and we add another layer of bureaucracy, is that regulatory environment going to become more dense and fragmented?

I acknowledged earlier the support within the sector for ATEC, but it's not unequivocal. I just want to touch on some of the submissions to the inquiry. Regional Universities Network were supportive of the establishment of ATEC, but proposed amendments to the bill. Those amendments were around flexibility to adjust the number of commissioners and a need to provide robust, unprompted advice to government at its own discretion, including on the student contribution component of higher education and on university research, training and infrastructure. Regional Universities Network recommended specific mentions of students' teaching and learning, research and research training as well as equity, participation and attainment, and the need to acknowledge and preserve that institutional diversity that exists within the system. The Regional Universities Network, unsurprisingly, said that ATEC should have more commissioners, and that one of those commissioners should be a regional commissioner. That is not part of this legislation.

Likewise, Charles Sturt University were supportive in principle but suggested, again, at least five commissioners, consistent with the accord, supported by secretariat staff with people with experience in tertiary education in regional settings, regional consideration embedded into governance and funding provided for the high costs associated with regional teaching, research and infrastructure.

Universities Australia had qualified support. They wanted ATEC to be independent and properly resourced, with the ministerial veto over ATEC's work program, inquiries and publications to be removed. They wanted ATEC to be clarified as a strategic steward, not a regulator, to avoid duplication with TEQSA.

Federation University were the same—in-principle support with issues to be addressed to embed a place based equity guarantee and mission based compacts so that students can study locally. They recommended clarifying how ATEC balances ministerial priorities, equity objectives and community need when setting compacts. Federation University also said that equity and regional participation experts should be included in ATEC leadership appointments. So you can see the flavour of both those universities those operate solely in the regions and also those that have a strong regional presence, including the University of Melbourne and La Trobe University in my electorate. They want any type of commission to have a very strong regional focus with a regional commissioner.

An interim ATEC is already operating, and the legislation will enshrine its operations and authority. I think that clearly there are issues that still need to be addressed and improvements that can be made. I think those improvements may be identified by the Senate inquiry when it releases its report later this month. I think there are a lot of elements and a big question to ask as to what the Department of Education will do. What should it be doing that ATEC seeks to do? There are questions about the crossover and duplication of that.

I'll go back to clause 13, on the national tertiary education objective. I think we all agree with the bit about promoting a strong, equitable and resilient democracy. But, on the bit about 'driving national, economic and social development and environmental sustainability', I put that the university sector should focus on the objectives of teaching, learning and research. Those objectives of teaching, learning and research should be aimed at promoting a dynamic and innovative sector that provides a positive student experience, promotes critical thinking and the contest of ideas, delivers value for money and improves Australia's productivity, and supports Australian values. On those last two points, productivity is something that absolutely needs to improve in Australia. We are lagging behind, and many of the economic headwinds we are facing are there because of our productivity challenges.

In addition, the Australian values, which we hold so dear, are under threat. I think we all need to accept that. Sometimes they're under threat from a lack of a robust, challenged contest of ideas in the tertiary sector. I think we need to acknowledge that because our social cohesion depends on it. In conclusion, we have many reservations about the ATEC concept and, particularly, with the way this bill has been drafted. Thank you.

Julian Hill (Bruce, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I listened carefully to a few of the opposition speakers, and I feel sorry for them, in that it must be quite painful sitting on the barbed-wire fence. On one hand, there were some very good points made there—they were quoting some of the Senate submissions—but, on the other, I'm still none the wiser as to whether they support the bill or oppose the bill. Time will tell. There were a lot of feelings, a lot of opinions, a lot of anxieties and a lot of worries, but there was not much clarity or anything even resembling a policy or a voting position.

This is a huge reform, though, for the tertiary education system. I think it'll take years or decades for Australians to look back and realise just what a significant moment this is—to recreate an independent commission to steward the tertiary education system, in particular the universities, but not only the universities. And I'll get to that.

I just want to affirm one thing the previous speaker said, and that is about the importance of regional education, and then I'll go back to the substance of the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025. This government agrees with the importance of regional education. It's one of the reasons we've put in place the university study hubs—to improve access to education for regional and outer suburban students—but there's a really big systemic reform. I'm not going to take lectures, the sanctimony or the little backhanders suggesting that somehow the government's been against regional education. It's quite the opposite. Under their whole previous term of government, a regional student was funded exactly the same as a metropolitan student, even though everyone knew it cost more to teach a regional student than a metropolitan student. In response, over the last couple of decades, many of the regional universities have set up these CBD campuses to teach students, often international students, in the cities; make a bit of profit; clip the ticket; and pass the profit back to help fund the cost of teaching regional students.

I'm not going to victim-blame like many in the opposition are doing or like the Menzies Research Centre's ridiculous, dodgy so-called research paper they put out a couple of weeks ago using data that was either three years old or that was just made up—it didn't exist. It was a rational response by the regional vice-chancellors to deal with the structural funding problems. We're putting in a regional student funding load to add a load so that a student taught in a regional area will get some extra funding, as they should.

I also heard of the coalition's love and fondness for the university sector. I would remind the member opposite—I don't know whether he was a member here under the former Morrison regime, the cabal, with its secret ministries and dodgy decisions. He got up one budget, and they cut $3 billion from the university sector. The question was 'what are they going to do about that?', and he said, 'You should just go and recruit more international students.' And then, at the same time, the same prime minister and the mob opposite were saying the universities have gone and recruited too many international students—to make up for the funding that the Liberals and the Nationals cut.

Back to the substance of the bill. It introduces an independent commission to steward the system. The last commission was created, I think, in 1943 by the Curtin Labor government, by John Curtin. It was under Curtin's influence, actually, that the Commonwealth government began to take a bigger role and a bigger interest, structurally and systemically, in education, which, constitutionally, was primarily a matter for regulation by the states. The Universities Commission was set up first in 1943, but, by July 1945, Commonwealth policy under the Curtin government and then the Chifley government provided for the establishment of a Commonwealth office for education, legislation to place the Universities Commission on a more permanent basis, grants to universities to meet the costs of buildings and facilities and associated expenditure connected with the Commonwealth Reconstruction Training Scheme, and the establishment of a truly national university. In fact, it is still the only university that's regulated by Commonwealth statute created by the Commonwealth—the Australian National University. They were big changes.

Then, in 1988, as part of the Dawkins reforms under the Hawke Labor government, the judgement was taken that that system had run its race, and the previous Universities Commission was abolished. It did set the system up for incredible success. For all the culture wars and the bagging of universities—there are some social licence issues, no doubt. I met with the Go8 vice-chancellors this morning, here in Canberra, and had a pretty direct discussion about some of that. But, for all the culture wars that abound, we have incredible universities in this country. If there's anything that punches above its weight, surely it's our university system.

Three per cent of the world's research and knowledge output is generated here in Australia, which is well above its population share. We have multiple universities ranked globally in the top 100. That's something we can be proud of, but it's a choice we make as a country. We can choose to fund universities properly, to fund research and create new knowledge, or we can choose not to. Well, this government chooses to chase excellence. Those 1988 reforms set the system up for success. They expanded access to university to millions of Australians who were previously locked out and improved research quality. They set up the institutions for success. But the truth is like any big structural reforms the world changes, and they've run their race. Indeed, many of the architects of those reforms I've seen quoted as contributing—through this debate, from the accord and in other things like this that have flowed from the accord—have said they're surprised that some of those reforms lasted as long as they have.

The government's judgement, flowing from the accord, is that we need to move past the system that we've created where every university—metropolitan, regional, research intensive, teaching intensive, highly ranked or focused on access—operates under the same incentives, the same funding structure and the same requirements. One of the key recommendations from the accord is to have a trusted, independent commission to steward the system. I acknowledge the previous speaker's comments about seeking reassurance that the ATEC, the Australian Tertiary Education Commission, is intended to steward the system and not be another regulator. That is indeed what the bill provides, and that is the government's intention.

As well as universities, I'll give a shout out to the non-university higher ed providers, who are commonly called private providers or colleges. They teach a large number of students in Australia, international and domestic, and the ATEC needs to have a role in understanding and shaping their contribution to the system, but it also needs to take a broader view for vocational education and training to create a better, more joined-up system to break down the 'black and white' barrier between TAFEs, VET and higher education. This is a critical part of meeting the government's bold target, an ambitious target, to see 80 per cent of Australians in the workforce have some kind of tertiary education qualification by 2050. It's not university snobbery, as some might say. It includes certificates, diplomas, graduate diplomas and vocational education and training. The system needs to be more integrated, and we need to value all parts of the tertiary system.

Tertiary education is absolutely critical for our country's prosperity. It changes people's lives—individually but also collectively—it creates new knowledge, it supports society to solve important challenges and problems, and it supports industry to apply that knowledge. This Labor government's focus on education builds on a fine Labor tradition. It's not about equality of outcome; it's about equality of opportunity. Every kid in Australia, no matter where they're born and no matter their family upbringing or their economic circumstances, should have the same access to education and a fair crack at life. John Curtin's belief in the value of education never dimmed. In 1932 he wrote:

The pursuit of knowledge is far more important than even knowledge itself.

That is why the Labor movement has always striven, even passionately, for educative opportunities for all. It's my mum's story, it's been part of my family's story, and it's the story of many people in this chamber—first in family to go to university or TAFE or even to complete year 12.

This is a bold goal, and it can only be achieved with big changes. One change is in how the system is steered, which is the ATEC—long after many of us are here, the Tertiary Education Commission should still be there steering and shaping the system to fulfil those goals in the accord. Another change is in how the system is funded. I touched on some of that, but if time permits I'll mention more of that. We need to focus, though, if we're going to achieve that goal, on certain parts of Australia and particularly on the regions, the outer suburbs and disadvantaged communities where participation is low.

There are many parts of our cities, particularly the wealthier suburbs, where frankly those kids are going to go to university anyway or will pursue TAFE if that's what they wish. But there are many parts of our cities, including in some parts that I represent, where the participation of young Australians in post-school education is far, far lower than the wealthier parts of our country. So the ATEC is going to have to focus on what the system needs to do, what universities need to do and what the vocational training system needs to do as an adjunct to get those young Australians into tertiary education.

I agree with the previous speaker's contribution too that it's not all from school to tertiary education. Life is not a linear progression these days. Many people will go in and out of the tertiary education system while they're working, whether it's for sabbaticals and study breaks or blending study with work as they go on through their lives.

It does mean changing the funding, though, so that students not currently going into tertiary education are supported to do so. That's what free TAFE is about, and I acknowledge the work of the Minister for Skills and Training and the Prime Minister's focus on free TAFE, which as of, I think, the last couple of weeks marks its three-year anniversary. We've seen more than 775,000 free TAFE enrolments and more than 210,000 completions, with hundreds of thousands of students still studying. It contrasts with the contribution of the now opposition leader—well, she's today's opposition leader; we'll see what tomorrow brings, or Wednesday or Thursday or Friday; we'll see if she lasts the week—on free TAFE: 'It was a waste of money, and, if you don't pay for it, you don't value it.' Well, hundreds of thousands of Australians have said they do value study in these critical skills shortage areas, and that's a good thing for our country.

Also, there are study hubs. There are 20 regional and 14 suburban study hubs, which are about bringing higher education closer to those students who are not able to access campuses or whose families or family circumstances have meant they're not able to access, or haven't had the support to access, tertiary education. I was very pleased on behalf of the minister last year to launch the Melton study hub in outer-western Melbourne.

Alice Jordan-Baird (Gorton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Hear, hear!

Julian Hill (Bruce, Australian Labor Party, Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

That's right—out your way, Member for Gorton. It was an incredible set of stories—absolutely fantastic. There was a single mum with a couple of kids who said she can't study at home. She gets a bit of support so she can go to the study hub and actually get her assignments done and do her study, hungry as she is to complete her bachelor's degree.

And, of course, there is the needs based funding model. The ATEC will lead the implementation of needs based funding and the Managed Growth Funding System and work to progress that more joined-up tertiary system we need. The government is investing an additional $2.5 billion in the medium term to introduce the Managed Growth Funding System and a demand driven, needs based funding system. These are also big structural changes, because, in a more managed system, we're trying to swing the pendulum back to the middle. It's neither a centrally planned system bureaucratically controlled to the nth degree, where Canberra allocates all the students and all the courses, nor a largely deregulated system, where every institution has the same incentives and, frankly, where the big elephants—at times in the Go8 but also elsewhere—can go hunting and eat everyone else's food. We can't see a system where most of the students go to eight or nine universities, starving the others—which are critical for access in the suburbs and the regions—of students who are also bright. It is a more managed system, and that's what's come out of the accord and has broad support. Importantly, though, no university will be going backwards and universities with higher enrolments will get more support.

I'll just touch on the last couple of points. I heard some of the contributions; wearing my Assistant Minister for International Education hat, I'll make a couple of points. This bill is about building the house and getting the legal basis for the commission. There's work underway; the government has asked the interim ATEC to progress work, which it's doing with the sector, to look at the right approach for the domestic student allocations and the funding models. We've started to move towards needs based funding with regional loadings and equity student loadings. The ATEC is doing further work, and then that will come back in, or can come back in, in a subsequent bill.

Similarly, with the international student allocations, which a number of speakers have touched on, the ATEC should have a role in allocating international students as part of mission compacts. I make the point really clearly that each institution can have its own mission, its own mandate, to serve its community—whether that's a region or a part of a metropolitan area—and focus on its areas of excellence and research, the right blend of teaching, its international profile, offshore international partnerships. But what kind of cake are they trying to bake? What kind of entity are they trying to create? That's the mission compact. What's the vision? International students have to be part of that. Some universities want a very small percentage of international students; that's the kind of experience they want to create. Others are big, particularly in their postgrad—a lot of the Go8 are big globalised institutions—where they want a truly international experience in some of those courses. That's OK, but each university has to go through the discipline of articulating their vision, their mission, what they're trying to create and get that agreed through the mission compact. There's more work to come, but I really commend this bill to the House. We'll have a look at what the Senate inquiry puts forward and listen to sensible suggestions, but this is a really big structural reform.

Elizabeth Watson-Brown (Ryan, Australian Greens) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Our higher education sector is in crisis. Corporatisation and a dangerous, generational neoliberal agenda have hollowed out our universities. I say 'generational' as one who, gratefully, started their studies at UQ, the University of Queensland, in my electorate, courtesy of free education in 1974. I still have an association with that university. I'm still an adjunct professor there. I've actually lived this history that we're talking about today. The crisis in tertiary education has sort of tracked that generational time span, and I believe it's clearly for the worse. Casualisation, wage theft and job cuts are absolutely rife in the sector. These are actual truths and are to the clear detriment of the most important people involved in the sector—the teachers, the researchers, the students and, indeed, the future of Australia.

I saw some wonderful, young schoolkids up in the gallery just before. I want them to have the same opportunities that my generation had, and that is clearly not the case at the moment. The cost of degrees is spiralling, and the government has let four years pass with no action at all to repeal the disastrous Job-ready Graduates Package, which Labor's own accord said required 'urgent remediation'. The creation of a truly independent tertiary education commission, a core recommendation of that universities accord, would create the opportunity to reform our higher education sector for the better so that our universities can actually return to their core purpose of high quality, accessible public education and research.

The Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025, unfortunately, does not represent that vision. The model put forward by the government is essentially setting up an extension of the Department of Education without adequate powers to instigate their own research or recommendations or to act independently. The actual sector has been very clear in their criticism of this bill. Universities Australia has said that, as currently drafted, the bill does not deliver on aspirations for an independent body to design and drive the longer term reform that is absolutely, desperately required. Their view, which has been echoed by a number of stakeholders, is that the bill should not be passed in its current form.

Amendments are required to ensure that the ATEC is sufficiently independent and sufficiently resourced to deliver the reform that is required. Students, staff and university leadership have been clear that the most urgent issue facing the sector is the failure to reform Job-ready Graduates, a disastrous package that has sent student debt skyrocketing and has hollowed out public funding for universities. Everyone bar the Albanese Labor government has been unanimous in their calls for JRG to be repealed. The government kicked the can down the road for years while we waited for the accord process to conclude, and now they are kicking that can further down that long road.

It appears that it will be years before we see the end of $50,000 arts degrees. Indeed, with an ATEC beholden to the minister, we may never see it at all. How does that advantage university students and the whole sector? The Albanese Labor government could repeal the Job-ready Graduates fee hikes and funding cuts today. They could do that today. They could live up to the promise of the universities accord by establishing a truly independent ATEC that is able to fulfil the role of stewarding a struggling but absolutely crucial sector. Given the flaws with this bill and the inexcusable delay to reforming Job-ready Graduates, the Greens will be abstaining in the House, and we'll be reserving our position in the Senate. It is abundantly clear that this bill needs comprehensive amendments to make it fit for purpose.

Alice Jordan-Baird (Gorton, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise today to speak in support of the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025. This bill is about the future of universities and higher education in Australia. At the heart of it is the creation of the Australian Tertiary Education Commission or ATEC. The purpose of this bill is to set up the Australian Tertiary Education Commission. Think of it as a coach or a navigator for our universities and TAFE. It doesn't run the universities, but it makes sure they're doing what they should—giving students a great education and offering courses that actually matter. ATEC is going to be the blueprint for improving our higher education system. It will make sure universities deliver high-quality teaching. It will support world-class research, and it will help students get the skills Australia needs—the skills to contribute to our economy, support their local communities and play their part in shaping a stronger, fairer and better Australia.

If you're wondering how the ATEC will actually work, here's how it'll go. The minister will appoint three commissioners to lead it. One of them will be a First Nations commissioner. That's so the voices and perspective of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians are front and centre of everything ATEC does. At least one of the other commissioners will have real experience with VET. That's vocational education and training. So we're connecting universities and TAFE in a smarter, more connected way. We don't want these systems working in silos. We want them talking to each other. We want students moving between them, learning the skills they actually need to get ahead in life and contribute to our country.

Over the next 10 years, nine out of 10 new jobs will require post-secondary education. Around half of those new jobs will require a VET qualification. That means more people at TAFE and more people at university. That's why Labor introduced free TAFE for all Australians and why we've made it permanent. It's here to stay. Since we introduced free TAFE, it's seen over 725,000 enrolments across the country. And, let me tell you, free TAFE is changing lives. I know this. I know this because my husband, Christopher, is one of the 725,000 enrolments in free TAFE. Thanks to this program, he was able to retrain later in life to become an electrician. I really can't emphasise enough what free TAFE means for people. Free TAFE is giving people the skills to back themselves, to build a career and to support their families and skills that help our countries and our communities thrive. For over 13 per cent of people in my community of Gorton, it's opening doors and it's opening opportunities and it's working. Over 210,000 TAFE courses have been completed. That means more people are starting careers as nurses, carpenters, aged-care workers, electricians, early childhood educators and so many more. These are the jobs that keep our communities moving, the jobs that help people live better lives.

The ATEC won't be working on its own either. It will be supported by the Department of Education, which means it will have access to the expertise, resources and networks it needs to do its job properly. It's not just about setting rules; it's about making sure universities are actually delivering for students, for communities and for the workforce that our future needs. This is the kind of leadership and oversight that will make a real difference. ATEC will work with universities to set goals for the number of domestic and international students they teach. It will provide advice to federal, state and territory governments about the best way to run the higher education system. ATEC will also take on responsibility for setting and maintaining national standards in higher education. That means making sure universities are doing what they're meant to do and doing it well.

Every year, ATEC will publish a state of the tertiary education system report. This report will tell us how the system is tracking. It will tell us what's working, will tell us where the gaps are and will tell us what we need to do better, especially for the students who are getting locked out or left behind. And this really matters because the universities accord is clear: in the decades ahead, more Australians will need skills and qualifications—a certificate, a diploma or a degree—because right now Australia has real shortages. We need to build more homes, and then we need more tradies and we need more technicians. We have an ageing population, so we need more community and care workers. We also need more disability support workers, childcare workers, nurses. The ATEC is about making sure that that pipeline works and that supply matches demand. It's about planning ahead, linking education with real jobs and making sure students are learning skills that actually lead somewhere, because, when education works, everything else follows.

It will really make a difference to communities, including my own local community in Melbourne's western suburbs. My electorate of Gorton is young. We're one of the youngest federal electorates in the country. The median age is 35 years old, and we have more than 40,000 residents aged between 25 and 39. When we're talking about HECS debt, these are the people we're talking about. Around 26,000 people in my electorate have student debt. They're the same people who are trying to save for a deposit to get into the housing market, paying mortgages and bills, and starting families. In Melbourne's west, we're young, we're diverse and we're full of families working hard to get ahead. For those at university age, it's people who are juggling work, study and family and trying to work out how to take the next step. But many people still face barriers to education and training. ATEC will help by making sure universities and TAFEs are offering the right courses in the right places, with the right support around students. It will encourage diversity in our universities. It will keep an eye on equity and skills targets. It will help build a more connected system that actually works for students.

One of my biggest passions has always been education and helping young people get ahead. That comes from my own experience. Like many people in this place, I was once a student too. I studied neuroscience at the University of Melbourne. While it might not feel that long ago, I remember what it was like balancing study, work and the pressure of trying to set yourself up for the future. I know just how the education system can shape the path of a young person. When it works, it opens doors. When it doesn't, it can hold people back.

That's why this bill matters to me. It's about making sure higher education actually works for students, it's about giving young people real opportunities, and it's about building a system that supports them to succeed no matter where they come from or what their background is. Universities will also have the flexibility to follow their own goals while meeting the needs of their students and communities. It's so that students can get the education they want and communities can benefit from graduates who are ready to work locally and contribute to the economy.

The Albanese Labor government has already delivered 31 of the accord report's 47 recommendations. We've doubled university study hubs in regional and suburban areas. My community in Melbourne's west has seen the benefits from this, with the suburban university study hub in Melton in the member for Hawke's electorate. These are amazing. For students in any tertiary education setting, it means they can access campus-style study spaces, onsite admin and academic support and a range of other student support services, all free of charge. That's what this is really about—giving communities like mine the educational opportunities they deserve, because every Aussie deserves access to the resources they need to build their own future.

We've also increased free university bridging courses. This one is about helping more students to prepare for university, particularly for those students from underrepresented backgrounds. We're providing more opportunities for pathways into higher education, and we've introduced paid prac for teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work students. These Commonwealth prac payments are a big one for students juggling cost-of-living and study pressures. The $331 these eligible students earn per week while doing their mandatory prac placements as part of their degrees is tangible, real cost-of-living relief. Like the other measures, it's designed to make university and training more accessible. Then there are the student services and amenities fees, of which we've made sure universities put at least 40 per cent back into student led organisations, and the Commonwealth supported places which we've made available to all First Nations students who meet the entry requirements. We've introduced the National Student Ombudsman and the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence.

We've made HECS fairer. We've cut 20 per cent off student debt. Let me be clear: wiping 20 per cent off every student's HECS debt wasn't just a policy idea; it was our government's priority. It was the very first piece of legislation this Labor government introduced into parliament after we came into government last year. By Christmas, millions of Australians saw that reduction for themselves the next time they logged into their myGov account. Those with an average debt of $27,600 have seen a reduction of $5,520 in their outstanding debt. This means that students can keep more of what they earn—no applications, no form, just real cost-of-living relief. We've capped the interest so young people's student debt doesn't spiral out of control, and we've raised the minimum repayment threshold so students aren't forced to pay back more than they can afford. This means that, for example, if you earn $27,000 a year, you will save over $1,000 a year in repayments. You can still pay off more if you want to, but what it does is make the system fairer for everyone, no matter what their income is.

This is real and tangible, and it will make a difference to the lives of millions of Australians right across the country. It's those people who this Labor government cares about, and it's who we have legislated real change for. These are just some of the ways we are helping make life a little bit more affordable—not just now but into the future, too. It's about lifting a real burden off the shoulders of young Australians who are working hard to build their own future. People shouldn't be held back by debt for decades. This isn't just a number on a page. It matters to families like mine. It matters to the 26,000 university students in my electorate of Gorton, who are juggling study, work and everyday life. It's practical, it's fair and it's exactly the kind of commonsense reform that helps young Aussies get ahead.

The ATEC will build on the work already underway. It will give practical, clear advice to government. It will keep track of equity and skills targets, and it will help create a more connected system so it's easier for students to get the qualifications they need, without hitting roadblocks along the way. It will also help bring universities and TAFE closer together so students aren't forced to choose one path and stick with it forever. They'll be able to move between systems, build their skills over time and get the training Australia actually needs.

This bill is about building a system that works for students, not just institutions—a system where every student has a fair shot, a system where students from underrepresented backgrounds aren't pushed to the margins but are properly supported to succeed. It's about making sure no-one is left behind and about giving every Australian the chance to study, train and gain skills that they'll use for the rest of their life. It's about planning for the future of our country. A strong tertiary education system isn't just good for students; it's good for families, it's good for local businesses and it's good for communities right across Australia.

This bill delivers a stronger, fairer and more connected tertiary education system—one that's ready for what comes next, one that supports students, backs communities and helps build a better Australia for all of us. We're a government that invests in Australians, our people, unlike the opposition, who believe that if you don't pay for something you don't value it. We know that, when we invest in our people, our society, our economy and our future benefit many times over. We're a government that cares about what makes a real difference to the lives of Australians—cost-of-living measures, Medicare, affordable housing—and that knows the transformative quality of education, not just for individuals but for all of Australia. I commend this bill to the house.

Alison Penfold (Lyne, National Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

I rise to speak on the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025. I appreciate that legislating to establish an Australian tertiary education commission is a recommendation of the report stemming from the review of Australia's higher education sector. Such recommendations must be seriously considered and are not easily dismissed. Stewardship in and of the university sector is more critical than ever at present. Rising antisemitism on campuses across the country, the challenge of AI on academic oversight and student learning and assessment, changing enrolment patterns and the alignment of courses to business needs are just some of the challenges the sector faces.

This bill seeks to establish an ATEC with the following objectives: to promote a strong, equitable and resilient democracy and to drive national economic and social development and environmental sustainability. How this objective can even go close to fixing the serious problems in the tertiary sector is, frankly, beyond me. This bill is about a solution looking for a problem—and it's a costly solution, at a time when the government should be looking for prudence in expenditure, not a bureaucratic pool party on taxpayers.

I'm one of the few Australians who've been fortunate to receive a university education. The last census shows that just under a quarter of Australians have had a tertiary education. I'm only the second in my family to attend university. The first was my late aunt, as a mature age student pursuing a fine arts degree at Macquarie University, for which she received a university medal. I myself am a graduate of the Australian National University, with a degree in Korean language. I'm grateful for my education and proud to have attended the ANU and Burgmann College for three of the four years of my degree. During it, I was privileged to receive an Australian government Asian languages scholarship to study in South Korea, which I did for a year at Sogang University.

I say all this to demonstrate that I am a supporter of tertiary education and a beneficiary of it—of its role in the development of our national intellectual capital, innovation and cultural growth. But I cannot support these bills. I cannot support such a vague objective being institutionalised and bureaucratised in Australia.

I take issue with the proposal on a number of levels. Firstly, it will add another layer of education bureaucracy at significant cost, which will not take our universities forward. Here we have yet another attempt by this Labor government to shift responsibility and, in turn, accountability to yet another bureaucratic, expensive, red-tape-laden authority, which I seriously doubt is being done according to the will of Australians. Whenever I talk to constituents, not one has ever voiced to me their desire to see the creation and maintenance of additional bureaucratic layers at the taxpayer's expense. Furthermore, ATEC will be assisted by the Department of Education—as if that department doesn't already have enough on its plate.

Secondly, the bills omit certain components of the ATEC recommendations by the accord report. As I noted earlier, despite my concerns I acknowledge that the establishment of ATEC is a recommendation of the Australian Universities Accord review and report. The minister has himself championed the recommendations of the report, yet he has chosen not to champion all the recommendations in it. Recommendation 30g says:

The Australian Tertiary Education Commission should be governed by a Board comprising the Chief Commissioner as Chair, 2 Deputy Commissioners, the TEQSA Chief Commissioner, the ARC Board Chair, a First Nations Commissioner, an Equity Commissioner and the Regional Education Commissioner.

It was recommended that a regional education commissioner be created to reflect the goals and aspirations of regional students and regional tertiary education. Instead, in these bills, Labor has ignored that recommendation and is not going to appoint a commissioner to represent regional interests but, instead, will appoint one based on ethnicity, so that, among three commissioners, one must be a First Nations commissioner.

In a MPI debate last week, the Minister for Emergency Management, responding on behalf of the government, repeatedly argued that the Albanese government is a better friend to regional Australia than the National Party, that the Albanese government prioritises outcomes for regional Australia. These bills prove exactly the opposite. The Albanese government's apparent deep regard and commitment to the interests of regional Australia is noticeably absent in this legislation, which deliberately rejects the universities accord report and recommendation to establish a regional education commissioner to represent regional and rural students in educational institutions. Such an omission is an undeniable affront to regional Australia. There is a regional education commissioner, originally appointed under a coalition government, and one that we are grateful the current government has continued to support. But why ignore this recommendation? There's no explanation, and it's an odd omission. Do the government not value the views and perspectives of the regional tertiary education sector? Do they not want ATEC to consider the particular challenges of delivering tertiary education in the country?

It goes further. The bills have been referred to the Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee, which is not due to report until 26 February 2026. A number of regional university stakeholders, however, have already raised, in their submissions, various issues with these bills. Regional development bodies and regional universities, though supportive of the bills' recognition of the need for change in the university sector, argue that this recognition of regional Australia is not matched by the bills. Submissions note there is no legislative mandated regional expertise among ATEC commissioners, no distinct regional advisory committee and a reliance on general stakeholder consultation processes that could give metropolitan institutions agenda-setting power.

Regional universities and regional development bodies were broadly supportive of managed growth and mission based compacts in principle. However, some issues were raised around ATEC's powers to suspend mission based compacts and ministerial influence. Regional stakeholders expressed a need for safeguards to avoid standard compacts embedding metropolitan priorities. Concerns were raised that managed growth and equity weighted funding could incentivise metropolitan universities to ramp up recruitment of regional and equity students, hollowing out the enrolment base and financial viability of regional tertiary education providers, and also hurting the workforces needed to sustain these regional communities. Submissions also stress that the bill underplays regional research and innovation, regional infrastructure and the realities of tertiary education delivery, which often happens across state jurisdictions.

There is also broad agreement that ATEC must play a stronger role in VET higher education alignment, with submissions warning that TAFEs risk being marginalised unless their role is explicitly embedded in ATEC's design and operations, including on credit transfer, curriculum alignment and workforce development.

In yet another injudicious use of Australians' taxpayer dollars, Labor has committed $54 million over 10 years to support ATEC's establishment and operations, and yet, when I applied to the Minister for Education to allocate just $100,000 towards the Taree Universities Campus to help them rebuild and refurbish their study hub after it was smashed and devastated by the May 2025 floods, I was told that the department did not have any funds and, therefore, could not and would not assist. The Taree Universities Campus is part of the Regional University Study Hubs initiative. It was established in 2020 as a community led initiative to help students across the Manning and Great Lakes areas undertake higher education without having to leave their communities. I want to take this moment to acknowledge the work of the former member for Lyne, the Hon. Dr David Gillespie, in leading this initiative.

In May 2025, the Taree Universities Campus was inundated with floodwaters, with the lower levels of the building submerged, causing extensive internal and external damage, including mud deposits, and rendering the campus's elevator inoperable. With a huge community effort, a temporary study space was opened on level 2 of the building, pending continuing efforts to refit and reinstate level 1. However, despite these attempts to overcome the flood's impact and get the campus back to normal operating conditions and capability, the number of students using the facility has fallen down from something like 400 per week to around 100 per week because of the impact on the facilities. Because of its location, TUC was not able to acquire insurance against floods. The resources and funds of MidCoast Council are near exhausted, and the community is dispirited and suffering from flood fatigue. TUC simply requires one-off, special funding of $100,000 to enable the refit and refurbishment to get it back on its feet and provide the wonderful services that it has done for several years now. This government cannot spare $100,000, a drop in the ocean in the scheme of Labor's spending, to help an invaluable community education facility rebuild following a catastrophic flood, but they can spend $54 million on another questionable layer of bureaucracy.

This bill also fails to address one of the sector's leading preoccupations, funding for Commonwealth supported places. The Taree Universities Campus was established in cohort 2 of the Regional University Study Hubs program. There have been five cohorts of study hubs announced under the program. Those in cohorts 1 and 2 receive CSPs as the funding stream. Later streams receive direct grant funding. TUC greatly values and supports the CSP model as a funding stream for two reasons. It provides a diversification of income streams and flexibility in how funds can be applied to locally designed programs that support current and future students. Unlike tied grant funding, CSP derived income is not restricted to specific deliverables, allowing TUC to respond directly to regional community and industry needs. CSPs also strengthen value proposition and deepen partnerships with universities.

In summary, CSPs are far more valuable than their direct monetary contributions alone. Specifically, CSPs are leveraged by TUC and its university partners, particularly when combined with student contributions. Funds returned to TUC are untied, enabling locally relevant programs and student support models. CSPs function as TUC's primary bargaining tool with universities and form the basis of partnerships. CSPs are the language of universities and having them allows TUC to engage as a credible partner. CSPs open doors to new partnerships, offering and delivering benefits well beyond the original allocation. CSPs underpin TUC's independence and long-term financial sustainability.

Importantly, under the current 2023-27 funding agreement, the department sets clear expectations that regional university study hubs will engage in widening participation activities and assist in addressing regional skills shortages. However, the agreement also specifies that departmental funding is limited to student support only and that these broader activities must be funded from other sources. CSPs are, in practice, the key funding mechanism that enables TUC to meet these expanded expectations. TUC currently receives 32 CSPs per annum, a modest allocation by any measure. These CSPs are distributed proportionally across the university partners that TUC has, based on student numbers, the majority whom are enrolled with Charles Sturt University.

I understand that the department is seeking to standardise the way it funds regional university study hubs with a view to remove CSPs from cohorts 1 and 2. Any move to remove CSPs from existing hubs appears to be driven by a desire for uniformity and administrative convenience, rather than by consideration of the educational, economic and community outcomes enabled by a more diverse funding model. If the government is set on addressing inequalities and achieving equitable access, participation and success in the higher education system, it should be examining Commonwealth supported places. The government should be ensuring that the CSP model as a funding stream for TUC is retained and that it is provided with an additional 10 CSPs to support growth in demand for its services and to build and expand its relation with at least another three university partners.

In conclusion, I'm a strong supporter of education because it is a slingshot to the future that individuals choose. University education plays a strong role in this. The Taree Universities Campus has been a game changer in my electorate, particularly for Manning and Great Lakes residents, providing opportunities for locals to pursue careers at home in their community. My electorate does not host a university and most of my electorate, 85 per cent in fact, have never had a university education.

So when a bill of this nature, with a $54 million vague mandate and a deliberate disregard for regional Australia, is put before us as the people's representatives—at a time when so many of my constituents are having to make tough decisions about how to manage their budgets, put food on their table and pay for essentials—I cannot possibly support this bill. Reform of the university sector is needed, but not in this way.

Emma Comer (Petrie, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

Accessible education is paramount to the Australian way of life. It provides opportunity and levels the playing field for those who are not born into privilege. As someone who has previously served on their university council, I've seen firsthand some of the challenges faced by this sector and, as such, I am proud to speak in favour of the Universities Accord (Australian Tertiary Education Commission) Bill 2025. It presents the next stage of tertiary education reform, building on the significant progress already made across the university sector.

The Australian Universities Accord has been an extraordinary piece of work and one of the most important reviews in higher education in our nation's history. It was tasked with a clear and ambitious mission: to take an honest look at Australia's higher education system and to develop a long-term plan for reform—not a short-term fix, not a piecemeal response, but a blueprint for the decades ahead.

The accord's message is simple, direct and impossible to ignore. If Australia is to prosper in the years ahead, participation, performance and investment in tertiary education must improve. Our future economic strength and national resilience all depend on it. The review makes clear that a strong tertiary education system is not a luxury. It is fundamental to generating the knowledge, skills and research our nation needs. It underpins productivity, drives innovation and ensures Australia can compete in an increasingly complex global economy.

The accord recognises that tertiary education is about more than universities alone. It is about people at every stage of life having access to learning opportunities that allow them to upskill, retrain and adapt to our economic changes. The accord confronts hard truths about the inequity in our system. It shows that talent is spread evenly across the country but opportunity is not. It challenges us to build a system that genuinely opens doors for students from low-socioeconomic backgrounds, First Nations students, people in regional and outer suburban communities, and those who have traditionally been left behind.

Sharon Claydon (Newcastle, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Link to this | Hansard source

The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. The debate may be resumed at a later hour, and the member will be granted leave to continue speaking when the debate is resumed.