House debates

Monday, 29 May 2017

Bills

Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017; Second Reading

3:47 pm

Photo of Warren SnowdonWarren Snowdon (Lingiari, Australian Labor Party, Shadow Parliamentary Secretary for External Territories) Share this | Hansard source

It gives me pleasure to contribute to the debate on the Australian Education Amendment Bill and to support the amendment that has been moved by the shadow minister, which states:

the House declines to give the bill a second reading because the bill:

(1) would result in a $22.3 billion cut to Australian schools, compared with the existing arrangements;

(2) would see an average cut to each school of around $2.4 million;

(3) removes extra funding agreed with states and territories for 2018 and 2019, which would have brought all under resourced schools to their fair funding level;

(4) would particularly hurt public schools, which receive less than 50 per cent of funding under the Government’s $22.3 billion cut to schools, compared to 80 per cent of extra funding under Labor’s school funding plan; and

(5) results in fewer teachers, less one-on-one attention for our students and less help with the basics.

Nowhere is this more true than in the Northern Territory. I mentioned in another chamber the impact of these changes on the school populations of the Northern Territory. While the 2017-18 budget shows a small increase in funding for Northern Territory government schools, this is driven, as we would all expect, because of the nature of the young population growing rapidly, by increased enrolments in the NT and better identification of students with disability through the Nationally Consistent Collection of Data on School Students with Disability.

What the federal budget fails to do—and this is a significant failing of the government's proposal and leads you to the conclusion that the $22.3 billion is right on the money—is maintain in real terms the Commonwealth's investment in children who access NT government schools. As a direct result of the new funding model, Gonski-lite, which the federal government proposes to put in place, the Northern Territory will be $254 million worse off over the next decade than if the full Gonski model had been put in place as per the proposals, promises and commitments from the Labor Party when in government. Average per student funding for government school students across Australia will grow now by five per cent per year for the next decade. Over the next decade, average per student funding for Northern Territory government schools will grow by less than $1,000. It is worth comparing their growth with that of some of the more significant private schools around the country. Under the proposed formula, which is now being sought to be legislated by this government, schools in the Northern Territory will be disadvantaged as against their interstate colleagues. The NT is the only jurisdiction where the transition process will lead to less per student funding than in 2017.

We currently receive 23 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard. The current reforms aim to transition all states and territories to 20 per cent of the standard. So there is a direct implication and an indication of the cuts that will be suffered in the Northern Territory. Funding for Northern Territory students in government schools will grow by just 1.3 per cent annually for the same period nationally, whereas funding for government schools elsewhere will be increased by five per cent. Let me give you a couple of examples. Girraween Primary School in my electorate will receive an increase over the decade of $547 per student. Geelong Grammar—a needy school—will see its funds increased by $2,309 per student. I just ask you to look at the two school populations. In relation to the population of government schools across the Northern Territory, by and large, in my electorate, 42 per cent of the population are Aboriginal people and there are a significant number of remote schools. I have well in excess of 100 schools in my electorate. If you look at the numbers for these schools, Aboriginal kids are the most needy, the most disadvantaged in the country. This legislation is supposed to be a needs based funding formula, yet those schools will suffer as a direct consequence of this proposal from the federal government.

It makes a mockery of the needs based funding formula which the government says it is introducing, and it makes an absolute mockery of the Gonski model. To put it in dollar terms, per student for this year and 10 years from now, the figures are as follows: total funding for NT students in NT government schools is currently $6,445. This is across all schools, not just the one I have mentioned. For 2027, the funding per student per year in an NT government school will be $7,369. The reality is that even in the low inflation climate that Australia has enjoyed since the days of the Keating and subsequent governments, inflation is a factor every year. If you assume a low inflation rate of 1.3 per cent on average over the next 10 years—and that is a pretty heroic assumption—and do a simple calculation, you find that the $6,445 per student in 2017 adjusted for inflation in 2027 will grow to $7,333 per student, just to retain current spending power. So the difference is $36. In real terms, if you use those calculations, these students in the Northern Territory will, over the decade, attract an additional $36 per student.

The Prime Minister huffs and puffs when he comes in here. As I said, he behaves like a pork chop on most days, and he is still a pork chop, but be very clear: he comes in here, ranting and raving and saying, 'There is more money going to education every year'—well, there ought to be. The Australian population is growing and, in my electorate for example, we have a very rapidly growing population, with a significant growth at the lower end. There is a very high proportion of young people demanding access to education. Just ask yourself these questions. So in 2027, if you account for 1.3 per cent annual inflation, it will cost $7,333 for what you would buy with $6,445 today. That means the government's funding is a difference of $36. Even today, what can you buy for $1, let alone in 10 years time? Imagine $36 in today's terms—that is the additional money given to every student in the Northern Territory. What will that do? It will not address the massive disadvantage that currently exists.

The government admits and often says we have to look after the most disadvantaged in the country. They come in here and talk about closing the gap, which we all agree on, but this will not close the gap in education. This will not close the gap in education for students in the Northern Territory. It will not support the types of services that are required to make sure that every student in public schools in the Northern Territory is properly catered for. That is the thing here. This is not just about kids who live in Aboriginal communities. I have already mentioned Girraween Primary School. Bees Creek School is another primary school in my electorate. They will see their funding increase by $509. Compare that to The King's School in Sydney—they will get $2,322. How does that work? This is supposed to be needs based funding. On any criteria of need there can be no question that every public school in the Northern Territory has a higher need than Geelong Grammar School or The King's School—apparently not, though, according to the government. They have done nothing to change their attitude towards making sure that there are sufficient resources for the education of these vulnerable children.

I could go through a list of others, but it is very clear that there is a massive level of disadvantage in the Northern Territory which is not being accommodated by this legislation. That is why it is important for government members to realise that they should be supporting the proposals put by the Labor Party. Compared to Labor's 2013 funding commitment to fully implement needs based funding in the Northern Territory, the Northern Territory will be $254 million shy over the decade. This is a small constituency, relatively speaking, yet we effectively are going to see $254 million ripped out of the education system by this government through the adoption of this policy.

I have spoken about education in this place since almost the day I first came here almost 30 years ago. I can see how parents, students and teachers can be so disillusioned with the way they are being treated by the federal government from time to time. Here there could be no better evidence of the contrast between the approach of Labor to needs based funding and that of the government. That is why I say to the government, look after the Northern Territory and the Northern Territory's students. Your proposals simply will not work.

It takes a strong personality to admit defeat or to say you are wrong. It is about time the Prime Minister showed us what he is really made of, says, 'I recognise that we are wrong', and accepts the proposition that they need to go back to the drawing board. If they are really serious about Gonski they will go back to Gonski 1.0 and make sure that funding is provided as per that model. If they do that, the needs of students in places like the Northern Territory will be better addressed.

Nothing is perfect, but we know that over 10 years Northern Territory government schools will receive less than the national average growth in Commonwealth funding for government schools, which is 5.1 per cent. The Northern Territory will get 1.3 per cent. All sectors, government, Catholic and independent, will receive 3.6 per average in Commonwealth funding, compared with the national average for all schools from all sectors of 4.1 per cent. But it is 1.3 per cent for government schools in the Northern Territory. It is not good enough. The government should go back and redraw this legislation; go back to the drawing board over what it claims to be Gonski to make sure that all Australian kids, regardless of where they are, are given a reasonable chance to achieve.

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