Chris Hayes (Fowler, Australian Labor Party) Share this | Hansard source

I am very pleased to have the opportunity to address the House and share my thoughts on the current International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan. In April this year I had the unique opportunity of participating in a Defence Force program. Along with a small group of my fellow parliamentarians from both sides of the House, I spent eight days in the Middle East at a joint service facility at Al Minhad, which is a staging ground for many of those who are going on to serve our country in Afghanistan. We had the opportunity to spend time with the men and women of the Australian Defence Force, from the newest member on deployment to Australia’s head of the Middle East operations, Major General John Cantwell. You cannot help but be touched by their professionalism, their dedication to duty and their commitment to our nation’s objectives in that region.

During this parliamentary debate, our thoughts and our prayers must be with the families and friends of the 21 Australian soldiers who have lost their lives thus far in Afghanistan. I think we owe it to all those men who have made the ultimate sacrifice to make a real contribution to this debate. Their deaths are a sobering reminder of just how difficult and dangerous life is in Afghanistan and why this conflict should be in the forefront of our thinking. Our servicemen and women deserve our full support.

It is well known that in 2001 Australia decided to support the United States and Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan as a part of its war on terror. Our role as part of the alliance objectives was to ensure that Afghanistan was not a safe place for terrorists. However, given Australia’s role as part of the coalition of the willing and commitments to the invasion of Iraq, Australia drew down on our forces in Afghanistan in 2002 to assist our efforts in that theatre.

Over the ensuing period between our deployments, significant changes occurred. Given the nature of the foreign insurgency in Afghanistan—and now with almost clearly definable supply routes into and out of Pakistan which is somewhat evidenced by the frequency of the US air strikes in that region—one could conclude that Afghanistan is at present not being used as a training ground for al-Qaeda or indeed a safe haven for terrorists. Clearly no-one would want to have that accomplishment reversed. In response to these developments, in 2006 Australia’s role in Afghanistan changed from predominantly a combat role to a much larger reconstruction effort in Oruzgan province. In 2008 our focus shifted again and the Defence Force took on a more mentoring role for the Afghan National Army as well as local law enforcement.

Regardless of the original reason for entering the conflict in 2001, which was to support the US led effort to help deny sanctuary to terrorists, I am fully supportive of Australia’s current role in helping to restore stability for the Afghan people. These people live under threats from many quarters. The ones we typically focus on come from the Taliban and their allies, but many Afghans suffer equally from predatory police and corrupt officials—regrettably, people we regard as our allies. It is unlikely that there will ever be a ‘mission accomplished’ pronouncement in this particular theatre, but I think the Australian people are entitled to know what degree of success would warrant a draw-down of Australian assistance—in other words, what would determine an Australian exit strategy. I believe that a premature withdrawal would hasten the overall breakdown of stability in Afghanistan, be completely unacceptable to our allies and would waste the investment already made.

Clearly, complete withdrawal is some time off, but in the meanwhile, if we are to be successful in Afghanistan, we and our alliance partners must be making it abundantly clear to the Afghan government that we expect them to step up to the plate and make significant efforts in respect of good governance in their country. Unless we have substantial improvement in policing and law enforcement, for instance, it is hard to see how the situation in Afghanistan will change once Australia and the other alliance partners withdraw. While terrorism may be denied a revival, I genuinely fear what might develop in its place. For starters, Afghanistan is currently the world’s largest producer of opium for the heroin trade. Last year I was a member of a parliamentary delegation reviewing serious and organised crime. We met with the principal officers of leading law enforcement agencies, including the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and Europol. Both of these agencies advised us in no uncertain terms that Afghanistan is still the key source country, producing around 900 tonnes of heroin per year, or 92 per cent of global production.

It has been said many times in this place that the purpose of our involvement in Afghanistan is to provide a stable and secure environment for its people. If we are serious about meeting that objective, we need to work with the Afghan forces to counter the export of illicit drugs, which now involves various international organised crime syndicates. While 92 per cent of the world’s opium comes out of Afghanistan, less than two per cent is seized there. This is a clear incentive for organised crime to invest in that region as there are huge profit margins to be exploited. I know there is much debate about the crop and its value to the local community, but I seriously question our practice of trying to intercept drugs once they have left Afghanistan. It is essential that part of our security strategy be addressing this problem in country.

Besides the terrible social, economic and personal effect that heroin has on society, the drug trade in Afghanistan has severe consequences on what Australia and its allies are trying to achieve in that region. In 2009 the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime released a report entitled Addiction, crime and insurgency: the transnational threat of Afghan opium. In that report, the Executive Director of UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa, noted:

It has become difficult to distinguish clearly between terrorist movements, insurgencies and organized crime … since their tactics and funding sources are increasingly similar.

It can now be said that all actors involved in destabilizing Afghanistan are directly or indirectly linked to the drug economy. Insurgents’ access to the opium economy translates into increased military capabilities and prolongs conflict. Opiates also fuel insecurity across Afghanistan as groups fight for control of routes and territory.

According to that report, between 2005 and 2008 the Taliban made $450 million to $600 million in total just from taxing opium cultivation and trade in Afghanistan. The link between organised crime and terrorist insurgency is now absolutely beyond doubt. To target one without the other simply does not make any sense at all. How can we have our soldiers patrol through the poppy fields in Oruzgan, or other areas, knowing full well that that crop is destined for the illicit drug trade, which in turn is going to be used to fund insurgent terrorist efforts against our troops, our objectives and the future security of the Afghan nation? Indeed, in the West we should ask: how long can parents be expected to support a war in Afghanistan if their sons and daughters are dying at the end of a needle? Clearly we must develop and implement better measures to prevent a community reliance on the illicit drug trade which acts to undermine any attempt to institute good governance in Afghanistan.

Besides our commitment to train and mentor the entire 4th Brigade of the Afghan National Army, we currently have 28 Australian Federal Police officers in Afghanistan to help train and mentor officers of the Afghan National Police. In Afghanistan, police are in a far more precarious position than the military. For every Army casualty, there are five police deaths. It is an extraordinary statistic. The AFP’s work is important and it deserves our full support, but in truth it is only scratching the surface in a corruption-ridden country. The AFP’s job is particularly difficult given the low literacy and education levels and the fact that corruption is widespread, not just in the police. According to the latest survey produced by Integrity Watch Afghanistan, earlier this year, corruption is rampant and has become more entrenched in all areas of Afghan life. This report is a damning critique when the citizens of Afghanistan regard their police and judiciary as the most corrupt of the country’s institutions. That is a powerful reason why people might be tempted to turn back to the Taliban—simply for justice. The entrenched corruption within law enforcement agencies certainly derails the fundamental gains Afghanistan has achieved since the end of 2001.

Unless great inroads are made by the Afghan government to effect anticorruption measures, the mentoring and training AFP officers are providing presently will probably be wasted. Australia and its alliance forces may well find themselves defeating the insurgents; however, if corruption continues to flourish within the police and the broader justice sector, we will not be successful in our objective of advancing the security and wellbeing of the Afghan people. Replacing the tyranny of an ideologically driven Taliban by profit driven criminals may be of little consequence for the ordinary folk who want a future for themselves and their families.

In closing, I support Australia’s objectives in Afghanistan to deny sanctuary to the terrorists and to work towards stabilising the country for the benefit of its people. I recognise and pay tribute to the 2,104 allied soldiers, including 21 Australians, who have given their lives serving the objectives of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. As well, I recognise the 40,000 innocent Afghan men, women and children who have died during this conflict. We owe it to them to at least be true to our objectives. However, I cannot see how we can fully achieve our objectives if there is to be a reliance on a burgeoning illicit drug trade in Afghanistan which sustains both organised crime and terrorist insurgency. If we genuinely care for the people of Afghanistan, attacking corruption and promoting good governance within our sphere of influence is just as important as our stated military objectives.

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