Alison Penfold's recent appearances (OpenAustralia.org)
Cost of Living | Matters of Public Importance | House debates
After nearly four years of Labor, the cold, stark reality is that Australians are paying more for everything. It doesn't matter what the Treasurer wants to believe or what he wants to spruik. He...
After nearly four years of Labor, the cold, stark reality is that Australians are paying more for everything. It doesn't matter what the Treasurer wants to believe or what he wants to spruik. He cannot hide the truth, because Australians are living it. Australia is the only developed country where interest rates are rising. Why is that? Because of Labor's out-of-control spending. While the Treasurer is desperate to shift the blame, attributing his own fiscal failures to foreign wars and other global pressures, there is no doubt that this 'Jimflation' crisis is homegrown, with ABS data revealing that inflation is being driven by government policy. Under this government, spending is growing 13 times faster than what the coalition budgeted for and has reached its highest level outside a recession in 40 years. This is not sensible governing; this is reckless maladministration. Frankly, the Treasurer's attitude, his blame shifting, his aloofness towards the situation, is an absolute affront to Australians. It's a kick in the guts. Does he not realise that he's the sole individual in charge? He has the power to change this. After all of the essential bills are paid and a small grocery shop is done—and I mean small, because just two bags is over $100—hardworking Australians have very little of their own money left. In my electorate, a constituent from Nabiac shared that, on Christmas Eve, they bought just 36 items at a cost of $199.61. Add to this the car insurance, which comes in at $277.51 a month for just two cars—that doesn't include registration or green slip, by the way—plus home and contents insurance, which comes in at $278.83 per month; private health insurance for a family of four at $498 a month; and council rates, water access and sewerage connection at $3,481.10 a year. Very little is left over. This is one of the poorest electorates in the country, where the pay cheques are neither large nor flexible enough to accommodate cost increases without sacrifice. The average mortgage holder was already paying around $21,000 more per year in interest than they were under the coalition. That burden rises again due to the latest rate hike. For most young Australians, the great Australian dream of homeownership has become exactly that—just a dream. This too, has been exacerbated by Labor and its migration policy. They brought in a million migrants in their first two years—70 per cent higher than in any previous two-year period. Someone is arriving to live in Australia every 52 seconds. Based on Labor's own population statement, a further 1.8 million people will arrive over the next five years, with no plan for where they will live. Another driver of Labor's economic crisis is their reckless pursuit of a renewables-only energy policy. Australians need affordable base-load power, not expensive, taxpayer subsidised, intermittent and unreliable energy—affordable power coupled with responsible action on climate. But, under Labor's renewables-only fiasco, factories are closing, business investment is stalling, and emissions have not moved. The government promised a $275 cut to power. Instead, Australians are paying around $1,300 more. In my own electorate, manufacturer Jamestrong Packaging have seen their energy bills increase by 65 per cent, insurance by 76 per cent and rates and taxes by 75 per cent. The cost of Labor is now showing up everywhere, in higher taxes, more debt and a budget so stretched that the government is spending $50,000 every minute on interest payments alone. Whilst the Prime Minister enjoys a day at the tennis, with the travel no doubt being billed to the taxpayer, Australians are working just to get by. They can't afford to go to the tennis. They can't afford to go out for dinner or take their kids to the movies. I've got people in my electorate who are still not back in their homes after the floods of May last year. This is not living. This is a grinding existence created by this government, a government that have completely and utterly insulated themselves from the economic hardship they are inflicting upon Australians. Australian taxpayers work hard for their money. It's absolutely galling for them to see it being spent so recklessly, so indiscriminately, by politicians that have never had a real job, that have never had to go without just to get by. This is not your money; it's the Australian taxpayers'. Start spending it accordingly—considerately, frugally, carefully. The 'Lucky Country' is now experiencing the largest decline in living standards in the developed world. Under this government, with this treasurer making the big financial calls, Australia increasingly does not feel like the lucky country.
Customs Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill 2025; Consideration in Detail | Bills | House debates
I rise to support this important amendment, this sensible amendment to the Customs Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill 2025. It will ensure that Australia has an alcohol tax system that is...
I rise to support this important amendment, this sensible amendment to the Customs Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill 2025. It will ensure that Australia has an alcohol tax system that is modern, consistent and delivers the sort of reform that Australians deserve. I support the bill that is before the House. I spoke on the bill last year and I agree that we should not let perfection get in the way of good. But the reality is that the bill will deliver only a very small change. What is it—1c a pint? When I spoke to the pubs and clubs in my electorate during the election last year about this bill and about the policy commitment, many of them said to me, 'Well, look, it's really not going to make that much difference because we've actually been subsidising the excise increase for years.' They simply have not been able to afford to put up the price of beer because they then wouldn't get the patrons in the pub. As many, many speakers on all sides of the parliament have said, we value the work that our pubs and clubs do. They support the local footy teams. They do amazing fundraisers. I was at a fantastic one on Saturday night supported by Club Old Bar where we raised $16,000 to build a permanent cenotaph for the Old Bar's RSL sub branch. I appreciate that this bill intends to make a small change, but the fact of the matter is we have a significant issue with our alcohol excise system, one that has not been properly reviewed really since it was first implemented. I know the Henry tax review some 10 years ago acknowledged that the system was broken and in need of reform. Well, we need to do that work now. It's time to do a full review and have it report back to Treasury with recommendations. I might just say something a little bit controversial here, which is not going to be about Taree and the Urgent Care Clinic, I'm sorry to disappoint. Look, I'm not a big beer drinker and, frankly, a lot of women are not big beer drinkers. So whilst this is something that speaks to the tradies and to many people across the electorate, to be quite frank, women tend to drink more tap spirits. Certainly, there are some local producers in my electorate looking at tap spirits and low-carb options as well for those of us very conscious of our diets. We need to do something that's far more comprehensive, far more far reaching, far more inclusive of all Australians and their preferences when it comes to having a drink at a pub or a club. I thank the member for Cowper. We share a border and we share people. Many of my people enjoy the pubs and clubs in the member for Cowper's electorate, so I'm pleased to be able to speak in favour of this amendment.
Health Care | Questions without Notice | House debates
Why are you ignoring the Mid North Coast?
Bondi Beach Attack Victims | Condolences | House debates
Matilda Britvan, Rabbi Eli Schlanger, Rabbi Yaakov Levitan, Edith Brutman, Boris Tetleroyd, Boris and Sofia Gurman, Reuven Morrison, Marika Pogany, Tibor Weitzen, Alexander Kleytman, Adam Smyth,...
Matilda Britvan, Rabbi Eli Schlanger, Rabbi Yaakov Levitan, Edith Brutman, Boris Tetleroyd, Boris and Sofia Gurman, Reuven Morrison, Marika Pogany, Tibor Weitzen, Alexander Kleytman, Adam Smyth, Peter Meagher, Dan Elkayam and Tania Tretiak—taken by terror, but you will forever light our nation's path forward to fight evil. To the family and friends of the victims, to the injured and to the Australian Jewish community, I extend on behalf of myself and the people of the Lyne electorate our heartfelt and deepest condolences. Few of us will forget that Sunday. The tragedy stung and hung in the air. It still does. But few of us are living with the day-to-day grief, the unimaginable loss. 'How could this event be, an act of cold-blooded, hate-filled evil and terror?' people are asking. Surely not in Australia. Surely not in Sydney. Surely not at our iconic Bondi. But as we watched the news unfold that evening, it was clear that terrorism had struck at home. The years of rising antisemitism and the radicalisation of weak minds by fundamentalist Islamic hate preachers operating on our own soil had reached a momentary crescendo, and 15 beautiful, innocent lives had been taken—intentionally, callously, mockingly. That Sunday in Bondi was a day of extremes. We saw complete and utter evil, but, at the same time, we saw the best of humanity and its most noble traits. We saw unflinching bravery and self-sacrificing compassion. To the police, first responders, surf lifesavers, medical practitioners and ordinary Australians that, in the face of darkness and terror, shone courage and grace: I thank you from the bottom of my heart. You are the shining reminders of what Australia should be. Most of the victims were at Bondi to celebrate Hanukkah, an important celebration on the Jewish calendar and the festival of lights. Others were merely out enjoying an Aussie summer day with family, living their life as the gunmen planned to snatch it away from them. And for what? The 'what' and the 'why'—we must deliberate on these two words without equivocation or political motivation. As legislators, we have a duty to ensure that the mechanisms that put the Bondi massacre in motion can never happen again. As Australians, we must look ourselves squarely in the eye and question the cultural changes and norms that allowed this to occur. Families of the victims and Jewish Australians living in fear do not just want to hear our sympathies and our hollow words. For many Australians, Australia is no longer a country they recognise. For many Australians its face changed long ago, but this attack brought home the stark reality that our nation's spirit and founding values of tolerance, liberty and justice are disintegrating in front of our very eyes. I have seen in my own electorate a burgeoning antisemitism, not among people that you would consider Islamic extremists nor amongst people you would consider neo-Nazis, but rather amongst everyday citizenry. What, in the past, has been disagreement with the Israeli government has now become something far more insidious, something sickening and something that has led to incredibly vile messages—hate towards me for my position on Israel and hate towards Jewish Australians because of the actions of the Israeli government. I have been shocked and saddened by this conflation of faith and politics. How did this become so normalised? These people have written to me pleading that I oppose the Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism's recommendations, uncontroversial recommendations designed to protect Jewish Australians. They don't want them. I've had people writing to me unbelievably attempting to rationalise the slaughter of innocents at Bondi as a consequence of Israel's purported genocide in Gaza. Let me be clear to anyone who has written to me with this line of reasoning: you can find no refuge in me. This subtle but sure strain of antisemitism cannot be tolerated, along with the more overt displays of antisemitism. This parliament needs to realise that the words and deeds of those who govern have consequences beyond those of everyday Australians. The curtailing to Hamas propaganda, which saw the government grant its wish of the recognition of a Palestinian state, has consequences in fermenting antisemitism. This parliament cannot just spend two days dealing with this. The passage of legislation is not enough. We must come together to formulate an informed and collaborative approach that will see hatred of Jewish Australians and hatred of all that our nation stands for stamped out forever. We must find a pathway back to a familiar Australia where all are safe. To the victims: may you rest in peace.
Lyne Electorate: Shark Attack | Statements on Indulgence | House debates
I would like to extend my condolences to the families and loved ones of the young woman taken today at Crowdy Bay in a fatal shark attack. Crowdy Bay is in my electorate, and, indeed, it's a...
I would like to extend my condolences to the families and loved ones of the young woman taken today at Crowdy Bay in a fatal shark attack. Crowdy Bay is in my electorate, and, indeed, it's a beach that I know well. I spent many years there as a child. It's a tragic circumstance. This was at an unpatrolled beach at quite a remote part of the bay. It happened very early this morning. Details are scant, but I understand that it was a tourist with her partner, both in their 20s. Unfortunately, she died at the beach. A heroic passerby managed to put a tourniquet on the man who tried to save the lady. He's now in John Hunter Hospital. I've spoken to the president of the Crowdy Head Surf Life Saving Club. Some of their members were called out this morning to assist, and I know the ambulance and other people were also called. It's just a very tragic circumstance on the eve of the holiday season. Crowdy Bay is a very busy beach; it's closed at the moment. It's very sad for the entire community. I thank you for this opportunity to extend my condolences to everyone involved in the families who've lost a loved one.
Wingham Amateur Boxing Club | Constituency Statements | House debates
I rise to acknowledge the work of Gary Crawford and Mick Downs, who have been instrumental in envisioning and establishing the Wingham Amateur Boxing Club. The club is a small, volunteer,...
I rise to acknowledge the work of Gary Crawford and Mick Downs, who have been instrumental in envisioning and establishing the Wingham Amateur Boxing Club. The club is a small, volunteer, not-for-profit organisation. It was conceived by Gary and Mick, two ex-Australian Defence Force veterans, with the intent of providing free boxing and coaching fitness to young people aged 13 to 18 in Wingham and surrounding areas. Gary, who will be the primary instructor, has been involved in amateur boxing since the age of eight. After serving in the Australian Army for five years, Gary began coaching as a way of finding purpose. Gary was a boxing coach for six years at the PCYC in Taree. He trained local youth weekly, often taking competitors to Dubbo, Cobar, Parkes and various locations interstate to participate in organised bouts and championships. Gary was approached by Wingham locals inquiring if he would be interested in starting a boxing club in Wingham with a focus on local youth. Gary agreed, but with the proviso that the service would be free. Gary's partner in this venture, Mick Downs, spent over 20 years in the Australian Army. He has various qualifications in fitness and combative training, obtained while in the ADF, and has experience working with youth through the Australian Army Cadets scheme. Seeing a community need for afterschool and weekend activities for local youth, Gary and Mick decided to establish the club with the aim of providing free fitness and boxing training—tailored to varying individual skill, experience, dedication and confidence levels—as well as a communal safe space for local youth. Participation in fitness or boxing classes is not mandatory, and all are welcome to use the facilities to observe, study, complete homework and generally socialise in a safe, strictly alcohol- and drug-free environment. I recently visited the club and can tell you that the feedback around town is extremely positive, with many teenagers and their families excited about a local, free boxing club and the many social, physical and mental benefits such an organisation can have and is having. This opportunity would not be possible without generous donations from the community, who have already provided boxing rings, bags, gloves, beanbags, lounge chairs and study tables. I would like to acknowledge the work of locals John Caldron, Secretary Kelly Anderson, the Wingham Anglican church, Reverend Brian Ford and Don Smith, who are playing an instrumental role in the club's development. With the recent floods that caused substantial damage throughout Wingham, the need for a positive, inclusive community facility whereby fitness, health, safety and mentorship are prioritised cannot be overstated. I therefore congratulate all involved in its establishment and extend my full support.
Excise Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill 2025, Customs Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill 2025; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
I rise in solidarity with my hardworking, dedicated and community minded pubs and brewers to speak on this legislation—legislation which does the absolute bare minimum to aid them and their...
I rise in solidarity with my hardworking, dedicated and community minded pubs and brewers to speak on this legislation—legislation which does the absolute bare minimum to aid them and their industry and does absolutely nothing to address the significant issues that exist within the alcohol excise system. The Excise Tariff Amendment (Draught Beer) Bill could have been a lot more than what it is. This bill could have gone a whole lot further than just implementing an election promise to temporarily halt the twice-yearly increase in excise of draught beer at pubs and clubs. That is all that it does. By 'temporarily' I mean that this measure will pause indexation of the beer excise for just two years—but that's enough to give the Albanese government it's 'cheaper beer' headline. Should the beer drinkers of Australia rejoice? Well, the actual monetary significance of the measure amounts to just two-fifths of not much. The excise pause will deliver less than 1c per pint of amber fluid. It will not have any meaningful impact on the cost and/or price of draught beer, and it's only on draught beer at the tap. It doesn't apply to microbrewers or retailed packaged beer. The reality is that this bill fails to address the Albanese Labor government's cost-of-living crisis and ignores the deeper issues with the alcohol excise system. What they haven't said is that this hidden tax has gone up every six months for the last 35 years—something like 85 times—and they are not going to look into this whole alcohol excise issue. Another point is that this intention was announced during the election and was meant to be applied in time for the excise increase on 1 August, but we're only getting to the bill now. Why the hold-up, and why just a pause on tap draught beer? Why not packaged beer, tap spirits and the like? And why not pause the excise on wine or cider or any other alcohol products? Let me tell you why. This measure is worth just $90 million over the forward estimates, which is completely minuscule compared to the $8 billion collected annually from all alcohol taxes. The measure accounts for less than two per cent of the total annual alcohol tax receipts, so they'll just keep on slugging people who like a glass of wine or something stiffer and keep that revenue rolling in. The excise is a lazy hidden tax, and Australians continue to pay the third-highest excise levels in the world, according to the Australian Hotels Association. Clubs and pubs have no control and can only pass the tax on to ordinary Australians. Many of the publicans and staff that I have spoke to in pubs and clubs across my electorate have had no choice but to absorb recent increases in excise or lose punters at the bar. If this government were serious about alcohol tax reform, they would have Treasury conducting a comprehensive review of the system. The coalition acknowledges that there will be a little relief for pubs, clubs and beer drinkers, and we are certainly not going to stand between a cut to the beer tax and the government. But this could have been much more. It has 'missed opportunity' written all over it, and it's not an inflation buster. Inflation has smashed through the RBA's target band. That means more expensive mortgages and groceries. The cause of high inflation is reckless government spending, which is running at more than four times the rate of the economy. Recent inflation data has highlighted just how ineffective this policy will be at helping everyday Australians. Households need genuine action on the cost of living, not one cent off a schooner. Government spending is running at more than four times the rate of the economy, and it is at its highest level outside of a recession in nearly 40 years. This government's unfettered spending is keeping inflation higher for longer while Australians pay $50,000 every minute in interest on Labor's trillion dollar debt. Because of Labor's economic vandalism, households are paying 15 per cent more for food, 15 per cent more for health, 19 per cent more for housing, 37 per cent more for insurance and nearly 40 per cent more for electricity. The RBA is now in an impossible position, with both inflation and unemployment running higher than forecast. The Treasurer has his foot on the accelerator and an eye out for the headlines while the RBA governor, Michele Bullock, is looking for the handbrake. Mortgage holders are paying $1,800 more a month since the Albanese government came to power, with 12 rate rises and only three cuts. But wait; don't despair—beer will be a tiny bit cheaper! Everyday Australians are footing the bill for this government's spending spree in their tax returns, electricity bills and mortgage statements and in their growing difficulty in finding a job. Government spending has blown out from 24 per cent to 27 per cent of GDP under this government. A number of inquiries have recommended a review of the beer and alcohol market for anticompetitive practices and the alcohol tax regime over the years, and yet nothing has eventuated. According to the Independent Brewers Association, the representative body for more than 600 microbrewers and their supply chain partners across Australia, beer is becoming unaffordable—$8 for a schooner is a good get these days. Despite the fact that the microbrewery industry experienced extraordinary growth in the decade leading up to 2021—it grew to almost eight per cent of the total Australian beer market in 2021—the sector needs more attention than this government is willing to give it. The RBA says 48 per cent of independent brewing businesses are struggling to maintain profitability, while the foreign owned multinational companies enjoy significant profit margins. While the excise tax on beer has increased every six months, the tax on wine has not. Since February 2020, excise tax on beer has increased by 20 per cent. The tax on the average glass of wine is now eight times cheaper than the tax on an average beer. The RBA also says that two big foreign owned breweries have an 83 per cent share of the Australian beer market. If you add that to the five per cent market share the major retailers have with their home brand beer, the more than 600 Australian owned small businesses are forced to compete for seven per cent of market share. You'd think that that would be of interest to this government and the Treasury. I know it's of interest to the owners of the Coastal Brewing Company in Foster in the Lyne electorate, David and Helen Black, who just recently won the Champion Lager and Champion Pale Ale at the Sydney Royal Beer and Cider Show along, with two gold medals, five silver medals and a bronze medal. The Coastal Brewing Company focuses on producing high-quality small-batch beers, with distribution largely focused on New South Wales between Canberra and the Queensland border. So does the Tinshed Brewery in Dungog, offering, like the Coastal Brewing Company in Foster, a range of beers from the well known to the eclectic. They're good businesses and good business for our community, as are all of our pubs and clubs, providing social venues and active, generous support and sponsorship for sporting clubs and community groups. They create and provide employment. Many are at the heart of their communities. The alcohol industry directly supports the employment of around 176,000 full-time equivalent jobs. The alcohol manufacturing industry employs people in around 2,500 jobs. Alcohol related jobs in the retail sector number a further 21,000 jobs. Alcohol related jobs in the hospitality sector number a whopping 126,300. Again, the coalition acknowledges that there will be a small amount of relief for pubs, clubs and beer drinkers, and we will not stand between a cut to the beer tax and the government. But this could have been much more. It certainly is, as I've said previously, a missed opportunity. This bill is only a minor fix in the face of high inflation and cost-of-living pressures. There's no sign of a broader excise reform conversation. All we get is just a two-year pause on tap beer indexation. There's no acknowledgement of, nor strategy to address, the alcohol market share, equity and profitability questions. Likewise, there's nothing to address the government's spending spree, which is fuelling inflation and cost-of-living pressures—as is its rush to renewables, which will cost Australian taxpayers $9 trillion, putting Medicare and the NDIS at risk. What should really be front of mind for the Albanese government is measures that genuinely address cost-of-living pressures, not policies that are putting further pressure on the cost of living. Australia needs genuine economic leadership. We need policies that focus on raising the living standards of Australians. Sadly, we won't get that with this government. We will need the strong economic management of a coalition government for that, something many, many of my constituents are very impatient for.
Forestry Industry | Adjournment | House debates
Agriculture, mining and forestry are the three industries that help build Australia and Australian prosperity. They have a special place in our history and future—that is, if governments...
Agriculture, mining and forestry are the three industries that help build Australia and Australian prosperity. They have a special place in our history and future—that is, if governments can be kept away from regulatory meddling and, worse, using them as sources of votes. The worst lamentable example is forestry. Native hardwood timber supplies our housing, infrastructure, construction, transport and manufacturing sectors. Timber is a product we need, and it's an industry we need to look after. Its people are experienced professionals who understand the science behind healthy and sustainable resource ecosystems and work in a highly regulated and scrutinised industry. Governments of all persuasions need to rethink their orthodoxy and instead reflect on the reality of forestry, not the ideology of those opposed to it. Take, for example, the announcement by New South Wales premier Chris Minns on Sunday 7 September—yes, Father's Day—to create a great koala national park out of 176,000 hectares of state forest on the New South Wales north coast. That was a day when dads who work in the north coast timber industry were told that their jobs were in jeopardy. What a low blow. Government should be looking to grow jobs and industries, not cancel them. When trees grow and are harvested, they grow jobs, careers, communities, industries, housing and infrastructure and provide real carbon solutions. As trees grow, particularly younger trees, they absorb and lock away carbon and, after the harvesting and processing, store carbon away in the array of timber products. The cycle is then repeated with regeneration. This is climate action in action. The New South Wales Labor premier and his ministers are tearing up timber mill contracts, and workers are losing jobs as a result. In my own electorate, workers have lost jobs at the Herons Creek timber mill. I went to the mill last week and spoke to the workers who'd just been sacked. They were gutted, destroyed, bewildered. These were good jobs held by good men in a good industry, a sustainable industry and an Australian industry focused on looking after our forests—not to destroy what provided their livelihoods. What did they do wrong? They don't deserve this. Communities in my electorate and up and down the New South Wales north coast don't deserve to have good jobs destroyed by the stroke of a government pen. Efforts are underway to get these workers a decent redundancy package. I want to acknowledge the Timber, Furnishing and Textiles Union for taking it right up to the New South Wales government. In addition to the worker and industry compensation, the New South Wales government has committed $80 million for the park and an extra $60 million for the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service. It's going to be an expensive new park. But for what? The people on the ground know that there is absolutely no additional conservation value in this park—in protecting koalas or other species—and that the threats to koalas are more from urbanisation, vehicles, dogs, disease and wildfires. We also know that koala density is mostly similar between state forests and national parks and that, if these forests are not well managed by regular fuel reduction, they'll become raging infernos on hot windy days—a far bigger threat to koalas. The heart of this matter is not koala conservation; that's the spin. At the heart of this decision is a deal between the New South Wales and federal Labor governments to deliver on its extreme net zero policy—a deal that sees the Minns Labor government lock up state forests in exchange for funding from the Albanese Labor government through earnings from Australian carbon credit units. In the New South Wales government's own words: The final creation of the park is dependent on the successful registration of a carbon project under the Improved Native Forest Management (INFM) Method, which is currently moving through the federal government assessment processes. I note that, on the draft method, there was less than supportive feedback from the Carbon Market Institute taskforce, and I also note that the Australian Forest Products Association is urging the federal government to withdraw support for the New South Wales government's proposed method due to validity and integrity concerns. I urge the Albanese government to reject the methodology, and I urge the Minns Labor government to remove the moratorium on native timber harvesting, to come clean on its real agenda and to rethink the size of the park. I'm incredibly disappointed that, yet again, Labor governments, state and federal, are attacking another legitimate primary industry, attacking the workers and their families who rely on the timber industry and attacking regional communities by killing jobs and industry.
Environment Protection Reform Bill 2025, National Environmental Protection Agency Bill 2025, Environment Information Australia Bill 2025, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (Customs Charges Imposition) Bill 2025, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (Excise Charges Imposition) Bill 2025, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (General Charges Imposition) Bill 2025, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (Restoration Charge Imposition) Bill 2025; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
Royal Flying Doctor Service | Statements by Members | House debates
To lower the temperature in this place, I want to recognise that today we launched the Parliamentary Friends of the Royal Flying Doctor Service. I want to thank my colleague the member for Sturt...
To lower the temperature in this place, I want to recognise that today we launched the Parliamentary Friends of the Royal Flying Doctor Service. I want to thank my colleague the member for Sturt for her leadership and for approaching me to be co-chair with her. We did coordinate very well today, I think, in wearing our blue suits. The RFDS is such an incredible service that regional and remote Australia has. At today's launch I noted that this time last year I was recovering from a very serious ride-on mower accident. I broke 14 ribs. I had a compressed lung. But I was only 20 minutes from a hospital. So many Australians are hours—thousands of kilometres—away. Who do they rely on? The Royal Flying Doctor Service. I also mentioned the story of a young mother who went into labour. If it wasn't for the RFDS, that child, Indi, would not be with us today. I just want to say what a wonderful launch event it was—the best event we've ever had at Parliament House was what the RFDS delivered today—and to thank you all for the service that you give to regional Australians. May you prosper and support Australians for many, many decades to come. Thank you.
Banking and Financial Services | Grievance Debate | House debates
I rise in solidarity with my electorate to speak out against the increasing push to move Australians towards a digital ID and a cashless society. As I've mentioned on a number of occasions in...
I rise in solidarity with my electorate to speak out against the increasing push to move Australians towards a digital ID and a cashless society. As I've mentioned on a number of occasions in this chamber, the Lyne electorate is the oldest demographic in the country. Thus, the negative implications of the societal push to adopt these new systems is, understandably, greatly felt and greatly feared within Lyne. Cash has long been deemed king, but that status is quickly being usurped by card and digital payments driven by technological advancements, the COVID-19 pandemic and so-called convenience. The big banks, corporate Australia and government are among some of the greatest proponents of a cashless society and are rapidly driving the transition, but in doing so they are recklessly leaving behind a large portion of the population. Card and digital payments are not necessarily convenient nor accessible to an electorate with a high proportion of older Australians and a network and grid that is becoming increasingly unreliable. Power outages are a common occurrence in parts of the electorate. I know that Nabiac and Minimbah often experience blackouts when the winds pick up. In Harrington and other coastal towns whose populations double or triple during holiday seasons, it's often impossible for businesses to use their squares because the mobile bandwidth is stretched to capacity. When this occurs, all cashless options are rendered completely useless. In these instances, cash well and truly is king. Indeed, it is the only option to ensure business can continue to operate, and ensure consumers can still purchase food, fuel and medicine. And what about in emergency situations? Vast swathes of my electorate was submerged during the catastrophic flooding in May this year. Digital payments were simply not a possibility. Lou from my electorate notes: 'We've been subject to many natural disasters—flood, storms and drought—where it has been essential to purchase fuel to operate machinery, such as farm RVs and tractors. Cash always needs to be an acceptable form of payment.' Denis in my electorate stated, 'As a regional dweller, power failures are not uncommon during bushfires, and mobile towers are also subject to damage.' We saw that recently just near me at Wauchope. And what about our most vulnerable? Women escaping domestic violence often rely on cash to be able to make discrete purchases or payments without being monitored or tracked through bank transactions. For many women of domestic violence, cash means freedom. The government has recently closed submissions for its cash mandate draft regulations. The draft Competition and Consumer (Industry Codes—Cash Acceptance) Regulations 2025 would require large supermarket and fuel retailers to accept cash for in-person transactions under $500. While this may sound like a positive move to enshrine the continuation of cash, many constituents within my electorate are extremely concerned about this mandate, with all of its exceptions and limits—it is actually a trojan horse to herald in cash death—and understandably so. Under the regulations, the ACCC will be able to grant exemptions from complying with the new regulations in exceptional circumstances. I'm concerned that these exemptions could become the rule, especially in towns with no bank or affordable cash transportation services. Without banking access, supermarkets and petrol stations could be excused altogether because they themselves don't have access to cash or the ability to safely deposit takings. That is why this proposal is inadequate. Furthermore, as it currently stands, the proposal is far too narrow, applying to just supermarkets and fuel stations. In doing so, it leaves out medicine, housing, utility bills and a host of other essentials. If the Albanese government is serious about ensuring financial inclusion and ensuring society's most vulnerable do not get left behind, then I urge them to expand the mandate to guarantee that it applies to all retailers and outlets without exemption or exception. We must also ensure towns have the infrastructure that makes cash payments possible, and halt the disappearance of ATMs and the closing of bank branches. Otherwise businesses will easily be able to exempt themselves from this mandate. It is clear to me why the proposal is insufficient. The government has cherry picked one recommendation from the regional banking inquiry, while ignoring the rest. It is now over 430 days since the inquiry handed down its report, and 75 days since every member of the Nationals wrote to the Treasurer seeking a response to the inquiry. The government hasn't replied to either. I urge the government to consider the attempts by other countries to embrace a cash-free economy and the disastrous effects that has had. Sweden, for instance, has had to backtrack on its rush to cashlessness, which financially excluded the population's most vulnerable. It doesn't matter if the number of cash payments are falling; the point is that they have not stopped altogether. While there is ever a need for cash, the government must ensure that the need is protected and enshrined in its laws and not undermined by it. The same can be said of digital ID. If the constituents of Lyne are concerned about a cashless society, they are livid about digital ID. I understand the rationale behind the government digitisation scheme. It is often touted as providing easy, high confidence verification of identity to enable millions of offline transactions to move online, which will enable a string of enhanced services. But the reality is that national multi-use identity schemes have a poor track record in Australia—and for good reason. Successive governments have presided over a string of breaches and confidentiality failures that have shaken public confidence in digital initiatives. They have done nothing to build trust regarding rights protection and limit setting. There have been a number of emails to my office over the last fortnight from constituents outlining their concerns. Michelle's centre around the potential for security breaches, saying: The people of your electorate do not want this digital ID. The federal government have already had many breaches of security. The Australian government needs to take heed of what is happening overseas with this incredibly stupid idea of digital ID. This was from Mark: The federal government is rolling out digital ID on My Gov. They say it's not mandatory but I fear that it is a load of bulldust. I keep refusing to update my My Gov ID, but I fear it is only a matter of time that I won't be able to lodge my quarterly BAS statements without it; I am staying with my password login. If I have to change over I will just shut down my business and still refuse to change to the Digital ID. This was from Kieren: I am expressing my objection to any form of government digital ID and elimination of cash in Australia for any reason. This system would give the reigning government absolute power to manipulate and control every aspect of our lives … it is historically a very bad idea to allow the concentration of too much power to be in the hands of too few people—they will eventually use and abuse it, that is just human nature. An Australia card was proposed to the Australian public in the late eighties but faced strong opposition and was abandoned, we know a digital ID would be far worse. Cheryl said: I write to you as an Australian citizen, vested with constitutional rights and freedoms that no government or corporate body has the authority to diminish, restrict, or coerce. This correspondence serves as a formal notice of refusal and non-consent to the Digital ID scheme in all its current and proposed forms. The Digital ID scheme centralises power, strips Australians of privacy, and creates the foundation for unprecedented monitoring and control over ordinary life. Linking financial access, healthcare, education, employment, and civic participation to a centralised ID system paves the way for systemic abuse. Australians will not tolerate it. The people of Lyne have spoken. That's just a sample of the emails to my office. My old rule of thumb is that, for every single person who takes the time to write, there are another 100 out there who are thinking of doing it, thinking the same thing. The government would be wise to hasten slowly—very slowly—on this project. The government should not succumb to the profit focused goals and efficiency driven dividends of corporate Australia—just like Telstra is doing in Taree and the banks are doing across regional Australia—or the excitable IT technocrats thinking they are doing everyone a massive favour or officials in the bureaucracy who think they will meet or exceed some KPIs on technology adoption and implementation in the processes of government. In summary, my point is that, while technology will always be with us and we will have to adapt to using it ever more, we need to be very mindful of what is in the best interests of people from all walks of life and from all regions of Australia and not just impose a new confronting technology on them in the interests of someone else.
Medicare | Private Members' Business | House debates
Investment in Medicare is always welcome. I'm hopeful that the additional bulk-billing incentive payments will directly benefit Lyne constituents, who have seen a serious decline in bulk billing...
Investment in Medicare is always welcome. I'm hopeful that the additional bulk-billing incentive payments will directly benefit Lyne constituents, who have seen a serious decline in bulk billing availability in the last four years. I look forward to hearing from Lyne locals that it has hit the ground. But praise has not been universal. General practice clinics and owners are already disclosing publicly that they will not be signing up to the incentives. Why? Firstly, signing up to the program is prohibitively time consuming and complex, and most GPs and practice managers—certainly in regional Australia—are already incredibly busy and do not have the time to do the paperwork. Secondly, the incentives are not sufficient to offset the soaring operational costs of running a clinic under Labor's skyrocketing energy prices. To enable 100 per cent bulk billing, many GPs insist that, if they were to take part in the program, their practice would lose hundreds of thousands of dollars a year, which would ultimately jeopardise the viability of keeping the practice open. I want constituents to have access to no-appointment-necessary bulk-billed after-hours care. An urgent care clinic in Taree would complement a state funded one, the Forster-Tuncurry health facility that my state colleague, the member for Myall Lakes, has successfully obtained funding for, after the Minns government axed funding for a public hospital. The mover of this motion, the member for Deakin, references a number of other policies that the government has undertaken to strengthen Medicare, including opening 90 Medicare Urgent Care Clinics across the country, with 47 more on the way. One would think this would be good news for my electorate. Lyne is, after all, the oldest electorate and one of the poorest in the country, so surely it should be on the list to receive a federally funded urgent care clinic. Well, it's not. Surely, it is one of the 47 that is on the list to be delivered down the track. Well, it's not. Out of the 137 urgent care clinics the government will operate, not one falls within the borders of my electorate. My electorate and my constituents sit squarely in the middle of a yawning service gap that exists between Coffs Harbour and Newcastle, and despite my many calls to the minister to work with me to fix this gap and deliver an urgent care clinic in the Lyne electorate, I've been generally knocked back. My request should not be of any surprise to the government. During the election I called for an urgent care clinic in Taree. Labor ran a candidate against me, so why didn't Labor match my commitment and budget for it during the election, as they did in the many others they are delivering? I note that an urgent care clinic that was committed to in Maitland will benefit many of my constituents and I'm grateful to the government for this commitment, but Maitland is almost two hours away, too far for the people of Taree and Forster and the Mid North Coast to access. The member for Deakin, when moving this motion, also spruiked the government's lowering of the maximum cost of Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme listed medicines. And while we all hope this initiative will land in the pockets of hardworking Australians, increasingly we are seeing these savings washed away by other surging price rises created by this government's policies. Just last Friday I received a call from a constituent who had undergone a pathology test and only after the fact was told an invoice would be sent to him. This is another policy that was brought in by the Albanese government, but curiously they are not spruiking this one, which runs completely counter to their misleading narrative that they are delivering cheaper and more accessible health care. This formerly free health service is no longer, thanks to the government placing tighter restrictions on who can get Medicare funded vitamin B12 and urine specimen testing. This gentleman who contacted my office could not believe that the Prime Minister, who theatrically waved his Medicare card and promised on no fewer than 71 occasions—throughout the election campaign and since—that all you need is your Medicare card, not your credit card, was doing the exact opposite when it came to the pathology. This decision, as my constituent warned, will deter many Australians from doing clinical tests, potentially creating more complex and expensive health problems down the track. He said, 'If I'd been made aware of the cost prior to the test then I don't think I would have had it.' Health is one of the major concerns on the mind of Lyne residents—again, the oldest electorate and one of the poorest in the country. We feel we're missing out on our fair of investment in local health services under this government. I'm here to work constructively with whomever is in government to support the health needs of Lyne communities.
Energy | Statements by Members | House debates
Labor's net zero mandate is failing Australians. Electricity prices are up 39 per cent, gas prices up 46 per cent, real wages have dropped to 2011 levels and manufacturing is retreating or...
Labor's net zero mandate is failing Australians. Electricity prices are up 39 per cent, gas prices up 46 per cent, real wages have dropped to 2011 levels and manufacturing is retreating or seeking bailouts to survive. Over 7,000 direct jobs in heavy industry have been lost since 2020 and 73,000 more are at risk, like those at Tomago. Meanwhile, there are thousands of wind turbines, millions of solar panels and kilometres of new transmission lines popping up all over rural and forested landscapes. We've lost 7.2 million hectares of farmland as our farmers and rural industries are made to do the heavy lifting. Australia has cut emissions by 24 per cent since 2005, yet like countries have cut them by only 14 per cent. The cost of Labor's reckless renewables rollout is at least $1.32 trillion, a cost we each bear. And all this is for a contribution to global emissions of just one per cent. Our energy system can be cheaper, better and fairer. We can put Australians first by putting lower energy prices first. We can do this by unleashing all of our energy sources, including coal, gas, nuclear and renewables, and using technology to abate carbon. We can take practical action our way to protect and enhance the environment.
Aged Care | Private Members' Business | House debates
Aged care is a big concern in the electorate of Lyne given its demographics. One of the greatest challenges is staffing and the difficulty providers face in trying to find aged-care workers. I've...
Aged care is a big concern in the electorate of Lyne given its demographics. One of the greatest challenges is staffing and the difficulty providers face in trying to find aged-care workers. I've been contacted by several aged-care facility managers in my electorate, stating that their situation, with respect to staffing, workers and viability, is dire. They've said to me that there is a chronic shortage of both registered nurses and aged-care workers in aged care, which has been exacerbated by the mandated care-minute requirements. I'm told that aged-care facilities have beds that are closed because they can't staff them and therefore can't open them and that there was a mass exodus of qualified, highly knowledgeable and experienced aged-care staff due to the COVID vaccine requirements. But there's also the NDIS, which is a massive competitor. Staff can work fewer hours, do dayshifts or work one on one in the NDIS with similar or at times higher pay than staff in aged-care facilities. An aged-care facility in my electorate told me that, to address the shortage, the vast majority of workers will have to come from overseas. The government has mandated care minute targets, which is fine, but the government has done nothing on the other side to support aged-care providers in expediting the approval of visas for overseas care workers. To the contrary, the waiting time for the processing of a 407 training visa has blown out from two to three months to 10 months plus. I checked the Home Affairs website today. The figure has blown out even further, with 50 per cent of applications processed in nine months but 90 per cent, the overwhelming majority, processed in 11 months. This is neither a reasonable nor acceptable timeframe. When I wrote to the government, to the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, the response I got was that a 10-month timeframe—which has now blown out to 11 months—was normal. This is an insensitive and uncaring response from a minister who seems to not understand the vital role that immigration plays in getting skilled workers for regional aged-care facilities. It is simply not good enough for the minister to have a hands-off approach to the problem. This government cannot work in silos. Has the aged-care minister, who would be well across the issue, sought the assistance of his colleague to help address this issue? Surely the aged-care minister, too, would be ashamed of the delay. The implications of these staffing shortages are incredibly high waiting times for older Australians, whether that be waiting for an assessment, waiting for approval of a package or waiting to progress to a higher package level. An assessor in my electorate confided to me that, for home-care packages, local aged-care clients can be waiting months to have their assessments completed and, once approved, they are waiting at least six months before being assigned the funding. In addition to this, there is the issue of finding providers and health professionals whose books are not full. One of my constituents, Dr Peter Ineson, wrote to me about his experience, which I would like to share with you: 'My wife, Ann Victoria, and I moved from Port Macquarie here to Wauchope for a less stressful way of life. We find that to be the case in all aspects of life, except for aged care support. In order to ensure Ann Victoria can live a comfortable and supportive life in Wauchope we have to modify the property for her needs. It would appear that we "need" the visitation and approval of an occupational therapist for any action to process modifications. Finding one of these persons is like looking for a needle in a haystack. We have already been waiting almost two months. Medically my wife is deteriorating rapidly and may well be dead before aged care provides the care and support as defined in the proposed legislation.' From their initial contact with My Aged Care, clients in Lyne are commonly waiting 18 months before being able to access the home-care package, now called the Support at Home program. There is also very significant concern in the electorate over the co-payment requirement for personal services. Given all that this government says about co-payments—and I can hear the rebukes from the Minister for Health and Ageing from across the chamber—it is this Labor government that introduced the co-payment into aged care. In fact, in health the two co-payments required of Australians, the PBS and Support at Home, are both Labor initiatives. Labor members, next time you take out your green card, remember that, in fact, you are two for zero when it comes to co-payments. In terms of the co-payment, this is a wait-and-see space. Where these reforms land in one of the poorest electorates in the country is yet to be seen, but I hope the government will ensure it is agile enough to move quickly and act if it proves too much for our older Australians.
Lyne Electorate: Telstra | Constituency Statements | House debates
I rise to condemn the actions of Telstra, which has announced that it will shut the doors of its Taree store on Monday 10 November—as if the Taree community hasn't already been through...
I rise to condemn the actions of Telstra, which has announced that it will shut the doors of its Taree store on Monday 10 November—as if the Taree community hasn't already been through enough! In Telstra's eyes, catastrophic floods that've left people without their homes and livelihoods weren't enough of a kick in the guts. Telstra's decision doubles down on a community already doing it tough, withdrawing a vital service that hundreds of paying customers desperately rely on. Why are they doing this? I was advised that the decision was made following an internal review of its retail store strategy, which sounds a lot like yet another attempt to shore up the bottom line. Telstra has tried to justify this move by saying that the Port Macquarie and Forster stores will remain open and that customers can continue to access support through online services, the My Telstra app or contact centres. Let's be real, Telstra: these are dismal attempts to replace face-to-face contact, particularly for a community that is the oldest in the country. Most people who seek assistance from in-store staff are there because they need face-to-face service, not an online bot or someone sitting in an overseas call centre that they struggle to understand. Louise, from my electorate, said that Telstra was unable to resolve her mobile issue over the phone. She was directed to the Taree store, where she received incredible assistance from a young man named Joshua, who, after significant efforts, was able to rectify the issue. By Telstra's own admission, the issue could only be resolved face to face. So why are they taking away this option for the people of the Manning Valley? They expect customers like Louise to travel to the already very busy stores of Forster and Port Macquarie, which are at least 40 minutes to an hour away. And how long will it be before these locations follow suit and close their doors? If Telstra is anything like the big banks, which it is increasingly proving itself to be, it won't be long before these stores close, too. And what about the staff? While some of the employees will be relocated to other stores, not all of them have a job to go to. I've entreated Telstra to reverse its decision. As yet, I have not received a fulsome response to this request. I am sick of Telstra and its corporate buddies raking in billions of dollars in profits a year at the expense of its loyal customers. The government must step in and ensure that consumer rights are no longer trampled on by corporate Australia. Telstra seems to have forgotten for whom it works. Let me remind them. Telstra, you work for customers—the very people that put you in your position of unprecedented wealth and power. If you will not maintain a presence in Taree, then I'll be calling on the government to legislate that you must.
Artificial Intelligence | Private Members' Business | House debates
Artificial intelligence is well and truly here. It's reshaping the world we live in, but Australians are worried. People in my electorate are worried. Trust in AI is low. With all due respect to...
Artificial intelligence is well and truly here. It's reshaping the world we live in, but Australians are worried. People in my electorate are worried. Trust in AI is low. With all due respect to the mover of this motion in lauding how the Albanese government is preparing the community and business and government officials to utilise and take advantage of AI, the Albanese government has not stepped up to protect vulnerable people and our institutions from its use. It's being happily used in health care, finance, defence, logistics, construction, retail and government, but the crims, the con artists and the foreign actors have it too. And big tech isn't necessarily playing with a straight bat either. I'm pleased to note the government's decision to enshrine crucial copyright protections for musicians, writers, journalists and artists, which were threatened by big tech and their AI systems. I'd particularly like to acknowledge and thank Holly Rankin from my electorate, known to many as ARIA Award nominated Jack River, for her advocacy and leadership on this issue. In researching this topic, I came across numerous detailed papers and submissions to parliamentary inquiries published by Good Ancestors, a forward-thinking charity organisation which believes that AI is not just another technology but one that could change almost every aspect of our lives. It proposes some sensible reforms to address AI harm, including the introduction of an AI act and the launch of an AI safety institute. In its submission to a New South Wales upper house inquiry, it noted that there are numerous threats and recommended that government should list and restrict toxic AI products, like undress AIs, unpredictable AIs, autonomous AIs and rogue AIs. It also suggested AI developers should be liable if their AIs engage in harmful, unpredicted behaviours. For example, AI technology has not just advised but instructed people on how to commit suicide. This is surely one example where an Australian developer of AI that enabled this response should be severely held accountable. I do see, however, the many benefits of AI but also the risks and how government may check it. In essence, we need to consider how this all-encompassing technology is safely accommodated into our lives, including ensuring that we have a choice as to whether we use it or not. While AI can be used to put finishing touches to a person's letter, a proposal, a project, a policy or a body of work, it's really a matter for each person to develop their own position on their AI use. Ideally, in a liberal democracy, that is not an area for government to regulate. But then there is the use of AI for villainous, deplorable or senseless purposes. This is where the government must step in. The dissenting report from senators McGrath and Reynolds, the coalition members of the Select Committee on Adopting Artificial Intelligence, makes for chilling reading: AI presents an unprecedented threat to Australian cybersecurity and privacy; due to the recent exponential improvements in AI capability and the unprecedented level of publicly available personal information, foreign actors can now target our networks, systems and people; and existing laws do not adequately prevent AI-facilitated harms before they occur, nor provide an adequate response after they do. It concluded, in part: The Federal Government— the Albanese government— has neglected its responsibility to deal with any of the threats that the exponential growth of the AI industry poses to the Australian people and their entities. I want to note, however, that the Department of Industry, Science and Resources has done some good work in its Voluntary AI Safety Standard, which gives guidance on how to safely and responsibly use AI and outlines what legislation may look like to manage its improper use. The department has identified areas for mandatory treatment, including how to manage data quality, identify and mitigate risks, ensure regulatory compliance, enable human intervention and respond to people impacted by AI harm. It's a massive body of work, but government needs to be ahead of the game not behind it. While the Albanese government is providing some means to upskill people in the use of AI, it has done nowhere near enough to protect those people too. This motion suggests that the government is more focused on its PR than protecting the public. Big tech and AI developers also need to step up. If business wants to use AI at scale, it needs to go beyond any regulatory responsibility in AI development; it must obtain society's explicit approval to deploy it. That means AI needs to earn its social licence—and fast.
Albanese Government | Matters of Public Importance | House debates
What about Taree? What has this government got against Taree, against the Lyne electorate and against regional Australia? As a new MP, I had hoped that the PM would live up to the comments he...
What about Taree? What has this government got against Taree, against the Lyne electorate and against regional Australia? As a new MP, I had hoped that the PM would live up to the comments he made on 3 May. He said: This is a time of profound opportunity for our nation. We have everything we need to seize this moment and make it our own. And we must do it together, all of us. Because for Australia to realise our full potential, for our nation to be its very best, every Australian must have the opportunity to be their best. To serve our Australian values—we must value every Australian and Labor will govern for every Australian. Well, let me tell you, this government, after just four months, is not governing for all Australians. Regional communities like mine are being left behind. I think the reception the Prime Minister received at the recent bush summit exemplifies the divide in this country and the feeling of being forgotten by this government. It's already clear that this government is playing favourites, and I've been around long enough to sniff a whiteboard in the air from that side. The Prime Minister's favouritism for his city-centric base and this government's neglect of the regions and regional Australia can be seen in my electorate in a myriad of ways. I know I've been in trouble this week in question time for being a bit too exuberant in my interjections. I do respect the fact that members should be heard in silence, but it's too much to expect me to sit silent while this government has gloated about policies that are hurting my electorate. During the election I called for an urgent care clinic in Taree. It's a policy and an initiative that will benefit my electorate. I'm here for outcomes, and that's why I support it. Bulk-billing rates in my electorate have fallen by 10 per cent in the last four years. It's only getting tougher to see a GP, and Manning base hospital gets slammed as a result. The question is: how many of the government's 137 urgent care clinics operate or will operate in my electorate? The answer is zero. Labor failed to match my election commitment and, despite writing to the minister and my persistent calls to the minister and the government in this place, I've been told no. There will be no urgent care clinic in Taree. There will be nothing to break the seismic service gap that exists between Coffs Harbour and Newcastle, which my electorate sits squarely in the middle of. This is not the government governing for all Australians. The government's response feels like partisanship on health, the last place where this should be played. Now, on energy, again, my electorate, like those of many of my colleagues on this side, feels the ire of the Albanese government. The Prime Minister and his minister for climate change and energy are recklessly driving Australians down a renewables-only path. Like I've said repeatedly this week, renewables are not reliable for base-load power, and they do not have a social licence. It's costing Australians today—and future generations—in their hip pocket and in their energy security. The Prime Minister expects my electorate to bear the brunt of this transition. His policy is riding roughshod over regional people. He expects my constituents, from Seal Rocks to Hawks Nest, to have their livelihoods, pristine waters and way of life jeopardised for the sake of his industrial wind turbines and his ideologically driven energy policy. He expects farmers across regional Australia to sit back as he installs thousands of kilometres worth of transmission lines through their prime, private agricultural land—land that our nation, and indeed the world, relies on for food and fibre security. He expects industry and businesses like Jamestrong—Taree's second-largest private sector employer, which produces over 100 million aluminium cans per year—and Tomago Aluminium, Australia's largest aluminium smelter, to pay exorbitant prices for electricity as the result of a rush to an intermittent, unreliable source of energy, placing them at a significant competitive disadvantage to their offshore competitors. This government says it governs for all Australians, but in Lyne we're not feeling it. Regional communities aren't asking for more; they're asking for a fair go. You can't call yourself a government if you don't govern for all Australians. (Time expired)
Child Abuse | Statements by Members | House debates
PENFOLD () (): Today I call on this place to ensure that convicted paedophiles pay the price for their abuse. Today I call on this place to back amendments to the Bankruptcy Act to prevent...
PENFOLD () (): Today I call on this place to ensure that convicted paedophiles pay the price for their abuse. Today I call on this place to back amendments to the Bankruptcy Act to prevent convicted paedophiles and other serious criminals from escaping justice by avoiding civil judgement debts through declaring bankruptcy. This issue has been brought to my attention by a constituent, Mrs Carolyn Kelly, the grandmother of Edan van Haren. Edan was a victim of Maurice Van Ryn, who was sentenced to imprisonment in 2019 in relation to child sexual abuse offences against Mr van Haren and other children. Mr van Haren, in a civil judgement, was awarded a debt of $1.4 million by the New South Wales Supreme Court in July 2023. But Van Ryn, a corporate accountant, hid his money and later declared bankruptcy. Unless the act is amended, Mr Van Ryn will escape his debt. I am advised that child support debts awarded by family courts are not extinguished by bankruptcy. This principle needs to be extended to judgement debts for serious criminal offences, including child sexual abuse. It's a simple amendment to section 153 of the Bankruptcy Act 1966. I've written to the government, the minister, the Treasurer and the Attorney-General, requesting their support and action, and asked that the amendment be known as Edan's law to recognise Edan's— (Time expired)
Telecommunications Amendment (Enhancing Consumer Safeguards) Bill 2025; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
The Telecommunications Amendment (Enhancing Consumer Safeguards) Bill 2025 makes changes to the Telecommunications Act to strengthen consumer safeguards, something we should all agree is a top...
The Telecommunications Amendment (Enhancing Consumer Safeguards) Bill 2025 makes changes to the Telecommunications Act to strengthen consumer safeguards, something we should all agree is a top priority. The bill will create a register of carriage service providers, enable the direct enforcement of industry codes, amend the existing two-step process for the application of penalty amounts for infringement notices, and increase the maximum penalty amount for breaches of the codes from $250,000 to $10 million. Full visibility of all telecommunications operators will also ensure ACMA can target compliance and enforcement activities and, where necessary, take appropriate action. The changes in this bill will strengthen ACMA's powers and the speed at which they can use them, to provide even greater protections for consumers and ensure we have responsible operators in our telecommunications sector. This is an important step towards holding the telcos to account to industry standards, but I think what is missing from this legislation is a consideration of the standards themselves. As they currently stand, the bar is too low. We need to reassess the universal service obligation. The USO is the obligation for Telstra to ensure that standard telephone services are reasonably accessible to all people in Australia on an equitable basis, wherever they reside or carry on business, and to ensure that payphones are reasonably accessible to all people in Australia on an equitable basis, wherever they reside or carry on business. Rather than being maintained or improved, the quality of landline phone infrastructure is noticeably deteriorating, especially in rural areas of the electorate. In times of emergency, the consequence can be life threatening. Not only is Telstra failing in its universal service obligation of providing reasonable standard telephone services via landline phone connection, but it is also failing to provide a reliable and cost-effective alternative. Many people are forced to go to the more expensive Starlink satellite in the hope that it will prove to be reliable. This government must negotiate new terms that better reflect advances in technology. Telstra and, indeed, all providers need to be held to account and made to uphold these new universal service obligations. This bill does nothing to improve mobile and internet services in my electorate, which has poor to non-existent mobile and internet service—one of the biggest issues, next to roads and health, that is consistently raised with me. Mobile and internet service is becoming increasingly unreliable in many locations across my electorate. Frustratingly, the service is worse now than it was just a few years ago. In rural areas of the electorate, loss of internet and mobile service for extended periods is becoming increasingly common. I'll give you an example. Residents within the town of Marlee have gone weeks and, on one occasion, well over a month without any mobile or landline service. In coastal areas of my electorate that experience a seasonal influx in tourist numbers, like Forster, Tuncurry and Harrington, internet either operates at snail's pace or simply drops out. I can give you an example from Harrington. A butcher there, only a Christmas ago, could not service any of his customers. His Square just simply could not work, because this small town—I know many of the MPs here, who often holiday in my electorate, would know that the population of Harrington can triple in a holiday season, but the bandwidth can't cope with the additional people and the 30 per cent natural increase in the use of data. Businesses in this town of Harrington—it's the busy time; it's when they're planning to hopefully make a bit of cash—simply cannot run their business unless people have cash in their wallet. This is a huge issue for small businesses in towns like Harrington and many of my other coastal communities. It's simply not good enough in a society that's increasingly forced to become reliant on technology. People in Nabiac struggle to access their online prescriptions. Pensioners are unable to access their myGov account. Hotels and restaurants are unable to take bookings online. People are unable to make medical appointments or receive reminders. They're unable to contact family and friends, and they're unable to contact emergency services in times of dire need. I've got a number of communities that are a single road in and a single road out—places like Pindimar and Bundabah and places like Pacific Palms that are surrounded by forest, and there is no escape. Having an internet or phone service that actually works when you need it is critical to them surviving in those difficult circumstances. I want to use an example from the Gloucester District News of the Area of a town called Barrington on the Thunderbolts Way on the other side of Gloucester. I'll just read the first bit because I want to put this on the record: LOCAL resident Shelley Faull has described the Telstra mobile phone service to the village of Barrington and its surrounds as being "woeful". According to Telstra's Network Coverage Map the whole village of Barrington is covered by its mobile service, and there is nothing to indicate that Barrington residents are likely to experience issues using their mobile phones. According to locals and visitors however, the map does not match their lived experience. "I have to stand on my verandah to get any mobile connection, and then I have calls that keep dropping out … … … … "The hall is an emergency refuge centre if there is a fire, flood or other disaster, and there is no mobile coverage at the hall. This is the lived experience of people in my electorate and the lived experience of people in regional Australia. We have to take these needs seriously. Recently, a gentleman—his name is Todd Barnes from Pappinbarra—who'd returned from South Africa emailed me and told me his story. He said: From Johannesburg we drove 650km south-west to the north cape province and not once did I not have phone service…I had the same service as the local guys. I could call, send pictures and videos in the middle of a paddock in the middle of nowhere … [At home] I can't even drive from Port Macquarie to Taree without the phone service dropping out multiple times. That's on the Pacific Highway, our national highway. He went on to say: Not good when Australia is supposed to be a first world country … The local African guys can't believe we can't drive between towns on a highway and not have mobile service. They thought I was pulling their chains. Again, are we being left behind in the regions? Why are we being left behind in the regions? I understand that geography plays a part, and I understand the geography in my electorate, but, surely, a modern Australia that cares about the regions can find a way to ensure that all Australians have access to mobile and internet services. I want to talk now about the poor assistance that many of my constituents have when they try to deal with telcos. I just want to remind the House that the Lyne electorate is in fact the oldest electorate of all here, so my constituents are particularly challenged by technology. Many of them have not grown up with it. They've come to have to use a mobile phone as much older people. Indeed, I know it is my own experience. I'm going to say that the first time I ever used email was when working in the minister for industrial relations's office in 1996. I remember the computer lab going in at school. I'm 54, and even I find the challenge sometimes difficult. I, myself, have come to it later in life, but I appreciate that, for much older Australians, it's more difficult. Constituents also report a very poor customer service experience when reporting issues to the telcos' call centres. They are firstly met with an extremely long wait time for either in-store visits or calls to the call centre, and then they are faced with a person on the other end having no understanding, appreciation or empathy for the situation or for the client. My constituents have informed me of numerous instances where a maintenance person scheduled to attend their property to fix the issue cancelled at the last minute. No-shows are a common experience, as are technicians failing to first confirm with the business or household that the scheduled time is acceptable. Better training is certainly required. I have to say I have raised this directly with the telcos. I have spoken even with the stores in my own electorate and the staff there to raise the issues of ensuring that the staff are trained, first of all, to be responsive and communicate and also to make sure that they understand who they're talking to and really try to help them. I do give credit to successive governments, also, for investing in the regional tech hub because that has also been a great source of support for many people in regional Australia, particularly farmers and older Australians, to go and get one-on-one support try—as I often say—to unscramble the bureaucracy and technology to try and make it work for them. Moving on to fee-for-no-service, there are also numerous examples of telcos charging fees for either no service or substandard service. If a customer experiences a loss of service for a substantial period of time, providers do not credit the customer unless the customer makes a request. Even then, they may not get a full credit refund for the time the service was not provided, or if only a substandard service was provided. What other business could get away with charging a customer when they have not received a service in return? Providers are failing to meet the customer service guarantee standard and are failing to proactively pay compensation if they are unable to meet timelines to fix landline services. I am looking forward to the telcos reporting on the levels of compensation that they provided to many of my constituents affected by the May floods. With the oldest electorate in the country, many of my constituents lack the skills and tech-savviness to be able to navigate jargon and technology. One of my constituents, John, a 92-year-old still living at home in Allynbrook, was sold a brand-new mobile phone. He was told that it would finally enable him to make calls. It has not. John and his wife must still rely on their fading landline. I've seen constituents encouraged to disconnect their landline but, when the mobile does not work satisfactorily, they are then charged a $250 landline reconnection fee. I think this is one of the issues, because the expectations of consumers are very different to the technical expertise of those selling the equipment. I know that the expectation of many consumers and many people in my electorate is that—when they know their landlines are failing and the copper technology is pretty much done and dusted—when they buy a mobile phone, sign up to a contract and give their home address, when they agree, the telco acknowledges that that service works at their house. I can't tell you the number of times that I've had constituents come to me, saying: 'I've been sold a phone. I bought it; I signed the contract thinking it would work at home, but it doesn't work at home.' But, then, Telstra, Optus or whoever it is, say: 'We don't guarantee. We will not guarantee that your service will work at home. It's a mobile phone; it's meant to work when you're roaming.' The expectations of the customer and the delivery by the telcos are not aligned, and that is a serious issue, particularly for older Australians. I also want to speak to some of the funding which, sadly, we are not seeing in the electorate. The Mobile Black Spot Program has not been extended beyond 2026-27, with zero dollars allocated. Furthermore, the government has not allocated any funding in 2027-28 to the Better Connectivity Plan for Regional and Rural Australia. Like the Mobile Black Spot Program, there is no funding for these programs beyond 2026-27. There has been no announcement on another round for the Mobile Network Hardening Program. This funding is critical and important. The government needs to be supporting sensible policies that facilitate arrangements to ensure that the telecommunications infrastructure framework supports efficient, effective and equitable mobile telecommunications network delivery across Australia, including in rural and remote areas.
Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026, Appropriation Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026, Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
I rise tonight to speak on probably the most important issue for Lyne residents, certainly the one that is raised with me every day, and that is the state of roads right across the Lyne...
I rise tonight to speak on probably the most important issue for Lyne residents, certainly the one that is raised with me every day, and that is the state of roads right across the Lyne electorate. When I'm at mobile offices it is always an issue that comes up, and that was before we faced those terrible, catastrophic floods in May this year. The roads across the Lyne electorate were already in a pretty bad condition, but the floodwaters have made those roads significantly worse. It is a real challenge for all of my constituents to deal with the roads in the condition that they are in. MidCoast Council certainly copped the most impact from the floods. They have recently completed an impact assessment on the event, and I read this very detailed document about the damage to the transport network in the MidCoast Council area, which is certainly the largest LGA in the Lyne electorate: the Pacific Highway, the region's major logistics route, was flooded and closed for five days; 2985 new road defects have been identified, with a further 376 existing issues worsened; 450-plus bridges are affected and undergoing engineering assessments; two bridges require full replacement at an estimated cost of $60 million, and seven additional bridges require major repairs; there have been 23 landslips, each estimated to cost $3 million to $5 million to repair; $258 million is required for immediate transport infrastructure repairs, and $265 million estimated for resilience and betterment works to prevent future disaster related damage. I have seen both the two bridges that have been completely destroyed, the Bight and Tyrone bridges. It is unbelievable to see structures—particularly the Bight bridge, which was a significant bridge structure—left in pieces, with pieces washed down the river taking out the amenities block at Wingham Brush. Basically it has divided the town. From the same report, some of the impacts that have been noted are students needing to change schools as a result of the bridge being destroyed. This impacts on the social connectedness of students. It also impacts on enrolment numbers both positively and negatively for impacted schools, where subjects may be offered and teachers not required. The dairy truck every second day has to go via Gloucester Road from Dollys Flat to collect milk on the other side of the Manning River, impacting on transport timeframes by over 30 minutes. Postage delivery has been reduced to two days per week for those on Tinonee Road to collect mail not delivered from the postage office in Wingham. The travel time is 40 minutes each way. School bus drop-off and pick-up times have also been impacted. Tinonee Public School to Wingham typical times provided are, via Bight Bridge, 12 minutes; via Gloucester Road, 24 minutes; and, via Taree, 24 to 30 minutes. The impacts of the damage are very significant. When you talk to constituents, you just feel the challenges they are facing and the concern they have that funding is not flowing to the council and to other councils across the electorate to fix the problem. The conversations I'm aware of that councils are having are certainly not delivering the funds they need, and the issue around betterment funding is a major one. So far the New South Wales government, to my knowledge, have not responded in a positive fashion. But further afield from the MidCoast Council, I want to highlight a very recent case study of the impact of what is happening on the roads. A constituent of mine's son recently had a head-on collision. I'm just reading the text message he sent me: 'Jack had a head-on. The other car was on his side of the road between Clarence Town and Seaham a touch before 7 am on his way to work at Phoenix Park. He somehow dodged being killed, with the airbags in the pride and joy 20-year-old Jeep deploying and breaking his nose. It crumbled beautifully, and if you look closely it looks like it's bent around the long axis. Ambos cut his Angels T-shirt off, which he didn't appreciate.' We could have had one less National Party voter because of this accident. The reason the car veered was a huge pothole. A huge pothole almost caused an accident and killed a young man in his prime. Frankly, I hear these stories all the time of people having to dodge potholes effectively the size of craters. A small car can fall down them. It's a huge issue across the electorate, north to south. Other examples are on Harrington Road, a road that I drive quite often. Again, there's significant damage from the floods, when already the pavement was deteriorating. On Stroud Hill Road, a road I travel when I go to Dungog—which I actually did only on Saturday this week—there are more and more signs that council is having to put up to say, 'Potholes ahead'. These are roads where you could normally drive 80 kilometres per hour. You're slowing down to 30 kilometres per hour to ensure that you're not doing damage to your vehicle. There's also The Lakes Way. This is a major road. I know some members holiday in the wonderful electorate of Lyne, and particularly those in Sydney, who often travel up to Forster and Pacific Palms and that area, will turn off the highway onto The Lakes Way. That is now a shocking road. And it's a local road. It used to once be the Pacific Highway, but it's now under the management of MidCoast Council. One of my staff members, who lives out that way and has to travel on The Lakes Way, actually even sent me an email as her local member to let me know what the challenges are. She says: 'Driving home on The Lakes Way, typically a 100-kilometre-an-hour highway, cars had to slow to 30 kilometres an hour for prolonged periods due to severe potholes and road damage. The surface is so bad that the safest option is often to drive on the wrong side of the road or hanging partly off the road to avoid car damage.' My state colleague, the member for Myall Lakes, has recently called for the New South Wales Minns government to take action and declare The Lakes Way a state road, and I fully support that call. This is a significant piece of infrastructure that is beyond the means of MidCoast Council, a council that has a road network—I think some of the city members in this place might be interested to understand the extent of the road networks that councils to have deal with in regional and rural areas—which is 3,643 km of roads and 667 bridges. With the rate base of MidCoast Council, it is frankly beyond them to continue to maintain the roads to the standard that the community rightly expects. There's a lot of anger in the community about the state of our roads. Rates keep rising, but roads keep getting worse. It's not just MidCoast Council; Dungog Shire Council has in excess of 70 km. This is a very small council area with a very significant concessional rate base, and they struggle to continue to be able to maintain their roads. These councils are raising the issue of the Local Government Financial Assistance Grants, the grants that are provided to local governments through the NSW Local Government Grants Commission. It's become clear that the financial assistance grants are no longer fit for purpose. They no longer serve the interests of regional councils in particular. I understand, particularly from Dungog, who I have had a number of conversations with, that there are councils in this country that receive more money from their parking meters than the entire budget of Dungog Shire Council. Yet these councils get significantly more from financial assistance grants. It simply isn't fair. The grant system is no longer fit for purpose and needs to be overhauled. I will move on, in the time I have remaining—and I could talk about all of the problems on roads for a much longer period—as I want to raise the Pacific Highway. The Pacific Highway and its duplication was a great achievement of the coalition in the Howard government era. It came in response to some terrible bus crashes at Kempsey and Grafton. I did, in my first speech, acknowledge the work of the former member for Lyne, the Hon. Mark Vaile, in the work that he did to get that duplication started. But in 1996, when the work was done, there was an urgency to get the duplication completed, so the decision was taken at the time to do the four-laning and then come back to do the integrated overpasses. But, in the passage of time, the work to come back and do the overpasses has been overlooked by successive governments. It was an issue that the former member for Lyne, the Hon. Dr David Gillespie, raised in this place, and I intend to do the same because, again, this goes to the safety of residents across the Lyne electorate and visitors to the Lyne electorate. I was very pleased, during the federal election, that one election commitment I made was supported by those on the other side. It goes to planning and design work for an integrated overpass at Medowie Road and at the Bucketts Way with a service road to Italia Road. Again, the Bucketts Way itself is a major issue, with significant need for repair, but these intersections are very dangerous. We've got fast-moving traffic and a lot of load coming onto it from the catchment areas. A lot of schoolchildren now are going to Medowie private schools and Catholic schools, and they're coming out of areas in my electorate, so these two overpasses are dangerous. People say to me quite often that they hope that we do not need one more death on the Pacific Highway at these interchanges for work to be done. So I was very pleased that there was one commitment that was supported by the other side, and I followed up with the minister. I'm very grateful to the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government for her drop-in sessions. At the very first one she held after I was elected, I went to see her and spoke to her about the timetable for the work here at Medowie Road, Bucketts Way and Italia Road. I understand—and I'm very grateful for and acknowledge—that the Commonwealth has provisioned the funding, but we're awaiting confirmation on delivery timeframes from the New South Wales government. I hope those timeframes will be expedited. There are a number of other intersections that need to be dealt with: the Myall Way, the Lakes Way, Failford Road and two more, in particular. One is the Harrington-Coopernook interchange. In 2021, under a coalition government, we committed $48 million to get this interchange completed. What has been done? Nothing. Nothing has been done. I can tell you that the anger in the community in Harrington is extreme. There have been two ramps there for over 20 years, and yet there has been no work done, despite the fact that the money is there. There is also the Houston Mitchell Drive interchange. This is the most dangerous intersection on the Pacific Highway. It should be a priority for an interchange, but no commitment from the other side for funding has been made. I finish with this point on the Pacific Highway: under the coalition government, our commitment to funding work on the highway was 80 per cent Commonwealth, 20 per cent New South Wales government. But, under the Albanese government, it's now fifty-fifty. The Albanese government has slashed funding for work on the Pacific Highway. This is putting people's lives in danger, and I will continue, for every moment that I have a breath in this parliament, to raise the issue, because it is of such significance to the people of the Lyne electorate. Debate interrupted.