Gavin Pearce's recent appearances (OpenAustralia.org)
Early Childhood Education and Care (Three Day Guarantee) Bill 2025; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
Prior to me speaking on the Early Childhood Education and Care (Three Day Guarantee) Bill 2025, there are a few Ts and Cs as far as I'm concerned that come from a very personal perspective. I...
Prior to me speaking on the Early Childhood Education and Care (Three Day Guarantee) Bill 2025, there are a few Ts and Cs as far as I'm concerned that come from a very personal perspective. I would first of all like to recognise that I come from the bush, in the electorate of Braddon, in the north-west west coast of King Island in Tasmania, where not only are childcare centres rare but they're sparse. But they've got waiting lists that are in the pages in length. We just don't have the positions available in the bush, unfortunately. We don't have the resources. What I would like to say in this place, very sincerely, very honestly and very openly, is that the experience that I've had with the early childhood education sector has been very positive. I look at the care, at the sincerity and at the real genuine leadership that some of these individuals, some of our early childhood educators, provide our young children, and it's second to none. I am astounded by the level of care that is generally available to our youngest and most needy in their formative years. They love our kids, and those kids love them. When you see a young child wanting to go to day care, that is indicative of a wholesome environment, a good environment. As we argue to-and-fro across the chamber here today, I don't want those good folks in our early childhood education sector to feel that it's an indictment on them, because the work, for the most part, that they do is second to none. I take my hat off, and I mean that most sincerely. I myself have a three-year-old daughter. Her name is Elsie, and she's a little handful from time to time, but she absolutely loves going to day care. Her little face lights up as she meets her little friends and puts her lunchbox—which is always chock-a-block full—into the fridge. She comes home tired and sometimes a little grumpy, but she always has a story to tell about her day and what she learnt at day care. It's beautiful. That's the future that I want to see for our early childhood education centres right across the board, and I'm seeing it every day. But, today, we're discussing a different issue. We're discussing what is fundamental to families across Australia—in the bush, in the cities and in between. At first glance, the Early Childhood Education and Care (Three Day Guarantee) Bill 2025 might sound like a positive step, but when you look at the detail, the granularity, it becomes clear that this is not about helping working families. It's about Labor playing politics with early education and care. Anybody would think there was an election looming! This bill does not guarantee working families priority access, and that's important. This disincentivises aspiration and it fails to address the supply crisis. I mentioned that earlier, in my opening. These positions just don't exist in the bush. They're not available. How can you incentivise something that isn't there in the first place? It can't materialise out of nothing. There's nothing in this bill that allows for new startups. There's nothing there that helps our early childhood educators develop their skills, their knowledge, their training and their application. There's no streamlining of red tape or green tape in order to build or to start up a new centre. That's what I find troubling. What Labor is proposing is a one-size-fits-all approach that doesn't work for all Australian families. The Albanese government has left the coalition with no choice but to oppose this bill, because it does nothing to address the real challenges facing parents and carers alike. Instead of making child care more affordable and accessible for those who need it most, Labor is introducing a politically motivated scheme that will increase competition for places without increasing supply. We all know Economics 101: supply and demand is indicative of price and service. This legislation amends A New Tax System (Family Assistance) Act 1999 and removes the childcare-subsidy activity test, replacing it with a three-day guarantee. What does that mean? Let's look at this in more detail. Starting in January 2026, all families earning up to $533,000 per annum will have access to 72 hours of subsidised childcare per fortnight, regardless and irrespective of whether they are working, studying, volunteering or not engaged in any workforce activity whatsoever. For Indigenous families, this access increases to 100 hours per fortnight. There is no prioritisation for working families, those that want to go about their business or build their own business, for instance. I come from a place where small business is prolific right across the electorate. Often, this is a sole trader business or maybe a partnership. We've got a lot of farmers that work in partnerships, so it's important for them not only for the education of their child but for that child's safety. If that child isn't at day care, that means that child is on the farm, with dangerous equipment. So we also have a safety issue. There is no prioritisation for working families like the ones I'm talking about. This means that those who need early education and care in order to work or to study will be competing for places with families who are not required to work at all. That's what I have issue with. The government estimates that this policy will cost $426.7 million over five years, but this figure doesn't add up. Debate interrupted.
Braddon Electorate: Don River Railway | Statements by Members | House debates
This weekend we celebrate a remarkable milestone—50 years of the Don River Railway on the north-west coast of Tasmania. Since 1973 this heritage railway has been more than just a collection...
This weekend we celebrate a remarkable milestone—50 years of the Don River Railway on the north-west coast of Tasmania. Since 1973 this heritage railway has been more than just a collection of locomotives and tracks; it's been a living link to Tasmania's rich rail history, built and maintained by passionate volunteers who refuse to let our past be forgotten. It's from humble beginnings that the Don railway began one of the finest heritage railway experiences in Australia. It has restored and preserved historical locomotives, given tens of thousands of visitors the chance to step back in time, and provided an enduring reminder of the role that rail played in shaping our communities. But this railway is more than just history. It's about people. It's about volunteers past and present who have poured their blood, sweat and tears in order to keep it running. Their dedication ensures future generations will continue to hear the whistle and feel the rumble of the tracks, and experience the joy of heritage steam and diesel travel. To all who have made the Don River Railway the thing that it is today, I say thank you. 'We all love shunting,' said the fat controller, and, if you have a chance, please visit it on the north-west coast of Tasmania.
Electricity Infrastructure Legislation Amendment Bill 2025; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
to further it—100 per cent! Instead of working collaboratively with industry, instead of working collaboratively with communities—communities need to have a say. It's their backyard....
to further it—100 per cent! Instead of working collaboratively with industry, instead of working collaboratively with communities—communities need to have a say. It's their backyard. It's their view. Communities need to have a say in this process. My job isn't to say whether we should or shouldn't do something; my job is to represent the views of my electorate and put that to the government, put that to this place, so that my constituents are heard. It's not my job to say whether something is right or wrong; it's my job to ensure that the process is followed. And in this case, in this particular bill, the process has not been followed. The process has been circumvented. This bill is a shortcut. This bill is being jammed through, and I fear trickery. It doesn't look good. It doesn't bode well for the views of my electorate, those good communities, those good people out there, who just want to have a say on what they're looking at from their homes and their businesses. It's not on. I'm all about looking people in the eye and asking them how they feel. That's something the government hasn't done in this case. The other issue that we need to talk about, when we start talking about Tasmania, is the ability for Tasmania to grow. Now, in order for any country to grow they need to grow their base load energy production. It unlocks industry and it unlocks potential. It aids in providing businesses with the energy that they need for 24/7 operations. I will use Tasmania as an example. As I said, Tasmania consumes around 10,500 gigawatt hours of energy each year. Around 86 or 86½ per cent of that is through hydro. It comes from 54 hydro dams and 30 power stations. Some have been operating for 110 years. That hydro energy is made up by wind and solar. We've already got that. In order for the wind and solar industries—if you like—to develop and grow, they need access to market. That's where Project Marinus comes in. That's where the two dual 750-megawatt DC cables that go from my electorate into Victoria come in. It allows the excess renewable energy from the great state of Tasmania, which is 100 per cent renewable, to be exported and sold. It also allows the safeguard that, if we do run low on water, like during a dry year or a drought, we get import energy as well. It goes both ways. It's a wonderful option. We've already got that in Project Marinus. It was initially a 600-megawatt DC cable, but there's a six-hour cool-off period with that cable before we can reverse polarity, so that's why we've now downgraded that to about 480 megawatts of energy, which is insufficient for our renewable operators to operate in the market. So, if you want to make energy cheaper in the state of Tasmania, then you need to make more units. How do you make more units? You increase the scale. How do you increase the scale in an island state that's not connected? We need those dual 750-megawatt cables that link Tasmania to the mainland. That allows more units to be made cheaper, and we provide reliable, cheap, baseload energy free from offshore wind. We've already got enough on our beautiful state. However, we're seeing that process being stalled. We want to see Marinus move ahead. We want to see that expedited and moved ahead so industry can move ahead. Out of that 10,400 gigawatt hours of energy, Rio Tinto Alcan in Bell Bay, an aluminium smelter, consumed about 25 to 26 per cent of that entire production. So, you see, 25 per cent is being consumed by one business. That's a quarter. What we're saying is we need to grow that. We need to make more units. We need to make those units cheaper in order to make that reliable and cheap for Tasmanians first, and then, if we've got any excess, we can look after the mainland. We need to look after Tasmania first. The other thing it'll do is create potential growth for future businesses. If you are a business somewhere, say the south of France, and you were looking for a place to start a business as a reasonable energy consumer, why wouldn't you set up in Tasmania? It's 100 per cent renewable. If Tasmania were its own country, it would be in the top 5 countries in the world to reach 100 per cent renewable, and it's not talked about. It's not spoken about, but we should be singing this from the hilltops. Tasmania is a great state. Tasmania has great potential. We don't need Mr Bowen at all—and I mean that from the bottom of my heart. I don't need him down there with his wind towers, and I particularly don't need him shoving this particular legislation through like the sneaky little minister that he is. We don't need that in Tasmania. We're upfront, and I'd rather say to my constituents—I'd rather say to my people—'What do you think?' and have them look me in the eye and tell me what their heart tells them. This is their home. Families have lived here for generations, and I want my state protected. I want my constituents listened to. I respect my constituents. I respect them deeply, and all I'm asking is for this government to share that same respect. Show a little bit of contrition, allow this to go to public consultation, listen to people's feedback and follow the due process. It's not a big ask. It's fair, and, if Mr Bowen wants to be fair, then he's going to have to start getting a little more fair dinkum as far as I'm concerned because this bill sucks. This bill stinks; this bill reeks of sneakiness and underhandedness. It's almost evil. In closing, my advice for Mr Bowen: have a little respect for the people of the north-west, the west coast and King Island in the great state of Tasmania. Think about where they're coming from, think about their position, think about their homes, think about their futures and think about their family, their children and their children's children. Think about that before you go ramming some piece of legislation through here, because, I tell you what, they probably want to do the same to you. Heaven knows it mightn't be a bill.
As I rise to speak on the Electricity Infrastructure Legislation Amendment Bill 2025, I do so with a certain amount of frustration for my constituents on the north-west, the west coast and King...
As I rise to speak on the Electricity Infrastructure Legislation Amendment Bill 2025, I do so with a certain amount of frustration for my constituents on the north-west, the west coast and King Island in the great state of Tasmania, a state which you will know, Deputy Speaker Freelander, is renowned for the production of renewable energy. It has done so for the past 100 years. Tasmania is already net zero. It is the only state or territory in the country to have such a status. It is a status that we are very proud of in the great state of Tasmania. Along with that is our beauty. Tasmania is a beautiful state. Those who have visited my state will attest to that. Those who haven't need to get their backsides down to the great state of Tasmania and take all that in—our rugged coastlines, rainforests, arid farming regions and mountainous areas. It is a beautiful place of which I am profoundly proud. As I look out across my farm, I see the rolling green hills of north-west Tasmania, with the rich arable and volcanic derivative soil, growing potatoes, peas, beans, broccoli, carrots, onions and opium poppies, with black cattle off in the distance. In the far distance is the beautiful Bass Strait and our coastlines, coastlines that we are very proud of. That leads me into this issue and aligns with this particular amendment, which seeks to put a smear on the face of our beautiful coastlines. In Tasmania, we have already taken the liberty over the last more than 100 years of making ourselves, as a state and as a community, 100 per cent renewable, as I stated at the beginning of my speech. We've done the right thing. We are the only state or territory to have done so. Why, then, do we have to look out our windows at our beautiful coastline and have that blemished by wind towers, some in excess of 280 or 300 metres tall? Why do we have to do that? Why do our shipping lanes, with currently unimpeded access both in and out of our great state, need to be impeded by such structures? As you would know and as you would appreciate, Deputy Speaker Freelander, everything in our state comes by boat, by ship. Very little is flown in and out; it mainly comes by ship into either Burnie or Devonport. Our port in Burnie, which is Tasmania's largest port, is approximately five million tonnes, including woodchips that go to the Chinese market; minerals that come from our west coast; polymetallics, lead, copper, tin, zinc, silver, manganese, tungsten and many other minerals. These are loaded and shipped out through our Burnie port. Five million tonnes of containerised freight. If we move to Devonport, the second-largest port in Tasmania, it is 3.7 million tonnes. It is the home of the Spirits. That's where our ferries come in and out of our passenger terminal, come in and out of the great state of Tasmania. These are both great ports, No. 1 and No. 2, in Tasmania. We don't want them impeded by 300-metre wind towers everywhere when we've already done the right thing and gotten ourselves to 100 per cent renewable. We are producing in excess of 10,400 gigawatt hours. That's enough to power one million homes and small businesses. We can do that. What we want to do is to develop the Marinus Link project, which will provide us the ability to trade excess renewable energy with our mainland colleagues who so desperately need it. The other thing with hydro that people don't understand is that it is a base load energy. When you turn the tap on and the water runs down the hill, gravity does that—it's a great thing in Tasmania; we've got gravity! Heaven forbid, when that happens that energy can be used at any time. That means it is dispatchable and that means it is the sort of energy that the remainder of the country needs. What we don't want to see is this renewable religion creeping into our great state, creeping along our coastlines and our beautiful outlook. I fear the government is pushing this legislation through so that they can achieve that religious ideology—
Tasmania: Bushfires | Constituency Statements | House debates
Deputy Speaker Scrymgour, I'd like to hazard a guess and say that you understand completely the power of mother nature. Our thoughts and our support need to go to our brothers and sisters, our...
Deputy Speaker Scrymgour, I'd like to hazard a guess and say that you understand completely the power of mother nature. Our thoughts and our support need to go to our brothers and sisters, our fellow Australians, in northern Queensland as they go through those terrible floods up there. I'd like to also recognise the great work of the my good friend the member for Herbert for the great work he's doing with his great community. But the fact remains that, in my electorate down on the west coast of Tasmania, the electorate of Braddon, a different disaster is occurring. At the moment, approximately 16,000 hectares of my electorate are on fire. North of the Pieman River on the rugged west coast, our rainforests and our button grass plains are immersed in fires—many fires—to the point that they are almost now into forestry area, up onto the north-west coast, and posing significant risk to the coupes that are maintained by Sustainable Timber Tasmania and Tasmanian forestry. I'd like to recognise sincerely the great work of our firefighters—our Tasmania Fire Service, those volunteer rural fire brigade services and those tenders who get out there every day and who understand intimately their background, their back door and how to best fight that fire. Ironically, in an area that is so heavily wooded, it is our forestry operators that are saving the day with heavy earthmoving machinery. I would like to send a big shout-out to Collins's earthmoving Collins Contracting at Smithton, who have got several bulldozers putting fire breaks in. The logging contractors have got fallers felling trees, and I saw footage last night of a faller felling a large tree that was on fire. That posed a significant life-threatening risk to the person doing that job on the ground. Often in this place, as we sit on our shiny seats, we forget that that very real risk takes place on the ground. I think it would do us all well and bode us all well if we thought about those real people doing that real dangerous job, protecting their real communities from life-or-death risk. So, to all of those involved, I want to say a big heartfelt thank you. Of course, this comes on the eve or just past the anniversary, on 7 February 1967, of Tasmania 's worst fire disaster, Black Tuesday, in which 62 people—62 Tasmanians—lost their lives. Nine hundred were injured, and 7,000 were left homeless. Mother Nature is indeed a powerful thing, and we need to respect it and we need to fight it.
Criminal Code Amendment (Hate Crimes) Bill 2024; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
It saddens me today and it's with a very heavy heart that I rise to speak on the second reading of the Criminal Code Amendment (Hate Crimes) Bill 2024. It saddens me because, whilst this is...
It saddens me today and it's with a very heavy heart that I rise to speak on the second reading of the Criminal Code Amendment (Hate Crimes) Bill 2024. It saddens me because, whilst this is necessary at this point in time in Australia's history, the way I and most Australians view it, it should never be necessary. It should have been stamped out from the very start. It shouldn't have been allowed to escalate to the levels, the hurt and evil, that it has got to at this point in time. It's for that very reason that it saddens me that the leadership has been lacking for so long. I come from the profession of arms, and I have spent the majority of my life being deployed to all sorts of places for that very reason—to combat evil. Mostlywe stand in front of those being persecuted with a weapons system, and we protect them from that evil. I know a little bit about wiping evil out and eliminating evil from the earth. There's an old saying that goes right back to the Romans; it's in Latin, and it's the phrase, 'Si vis pacem, para bellum.' That means, 'In strength, comes peace.' Unless you have strength and unless you have the leadership that demonstrates that, you will never have peace. Unfortunately, that's what we have gotten to. That lack of leadership has allowed this festering serpent to develop and grow to the point that it is spitting venom at those most vulnerable. I think the actions of this government have lacked that leadership, that strength, that power and that force in stamping this out, and that's why that escalation has taken place. I actually visited Israel last year at the request of my good friend the ambassador, Amir Maimon. Amir served a life in the Israeli special forces, Mossad. He was an electronic warfare special forces operator working for the Israeli Army around the same time as I was posted in the Middle East. We have a kinship there, and we have become very close. I saw a very hardened man, a tough man, a strong man, a man with conviction and leadership, a man that deeply loves his country and was in another country representing the interests of Israel and the relationship between Australia and our friends in Israel, that great democracy. I saw him heartbroken. I saw him bent over heartbroken because of what was happening to his beautiful country and his beautiful people. Unprovoked, a listed terrorist organisation—the head of evil—attacked their precious country, leaving 1,200 people dead. I visited the kibbutz Kfar Aza down south. You could see the photos. They had photos up outside the kibbutz. You could see the bloodstains and the bullet chips inside. You could smell after they had been there—these horrible, evil creatures—and burnt the place. This evil was committed in places that were supposed to be secure. There was no warning. Those hostages that were taken—can you imagine what that would be like in your town or suburb where you live today? Can you imagine what it would be like if 240 people were taken hostage, sexually abused and mutilated? There's a thing called the '46 minutes', and it's chest cam footage which they captured of Hamas operatives. They were proud and boasting of killing, beheading, mutilating and raping. There were dead bodies of innocent Israelis. You imagine what would happen if that happened here. In retaliation and in trying to get those hostages back, we went on a world quest on who was right and who was wrong. And so the chants began. And so the hitchhikers jumped onto this thing that got a few headlines. If you ask those people chanting 'from the river to the sea' what river and what sea, they wouldn't have a clue about that, what it means or the destruction that I've just described. They wouldn't have a clue. They were just there for the headline, for the footage and to get on television. And that's when the government should have stepped in and been strong, and that's when that head should have been cut from that evil snake. Now that snake has bred, and there are many serpents all over the place, conducting evil on our beautiful country. It should have been stomped out and wiped out a long time ago. That's why it's with a heavy heart that I have to talk about this. My good friend—he's been like a brother to me—Josh Frydenberg has been on the offensive on the reactive trail, trying to get the message across about how important it was for the government to step up. He turned himself inside out to get this message across. Whilst he's done a fantastic job, and I congratulate my brother in doing that, it fell on deaf ears. It has not been until now, when that evil has been allowed to escalate, develop and dig in, that we've decided to finally do something about it. I worry that this measure is all happening far too late. The other issue that I want to raise is in relation to this bill. Whilst it's all well and good to have a criminal code amendment to this bill so that we can prosecute evildoers, this is a cultural act, and this cultural act needs to be cut off at the knees. It's up to every leader at every level—at state level, local government level and community group level. It's up to every person on the street to condemn this as strongly as possible. I'm not talking about vigilante action, but what I am talking about is that, if they know that everybody condemns this in such a bitter way then they might cease and desist a little. If we don't give them the air they so desperately need, and the fanfare and the headlines, then maybe they mightn't be so keen to recommit the same offence. My Jewish brothers and sisters—and I mentioned this in my valedictory speech when I was describing Peter Dutton, and I meant it from the bottom of my heart when I said it: I have faith in him, I see a strength in him and I see moral courage in him. I know that you, Peter Dutton, will protect that little girl that is too frightened to go to school because she is Jewish. That's not the Australia I grew up in, and that's not the Australia he believes in either. That's the sort of leadership we should have had 12 months ago on this. That's the sort of leadership Australia really needed. That's the sort of leadership that will return Australia back to the great country it's always been. The actual bill itself amends many things. Apart from a deterrent, it also gives the ability to remove the offender from the ability to recommit the same offence. While that's a good thing, that needs to be strengthened. I don't feel this bill is anywhere near strong enough. As far as I'm concerned, if you are going to commit such an evil act that is so against Australian values, Australian culture and traditions and the very essence of what we stand for as a country, the very accepting non-racist country that we stand for—if you are going to act and carry on like that, then there's no place for you here as far as I'm concerned. They're the sorts of measures that I think need to be looked at when we start being serious about developing this particular legislation. I think after this episode, and with some strong leadership and some strong guidance in stamping this out, we can return to that country that I'm so proud of—a country that accepts people from all over the world irrespective of their race, their religion, the colour of their skin or anything else for that matter. We value you as a human being, the very essence of your soul, your heart. That's what it means to be an Australian. To be an Australian in relation to the matters I'm talking about today means joining with our Jewish friends, supporting them and espousing this terrible, heinous crime we're talking about. The problem doesn't necessarily stop with this particular issue, the antisemitism issue that I'm talking about. I'm concerned about where this starts and stops; where does this end up? It's very similar to any action. If you allow one little thing to happen, then it will escalate and something else will happen. So what next? Does that then lead to attacks on the Catholic Church or the Anglican Church? Does it stop with childcare centres? Where does this stop? That's what I'm getting back to. If we don't apply that age-old theory of 'in strength comes peace', if we don't apply enough strength, then that serpent will continually strike, and it will come back, it will return, in even stronger forms. That's what I fear. Whilst we're sitting here debating this particular amendment bill, I wonder whether it's simply something we have to have to keep the masses quiet. If it had come 12 months ago, maybe it would have come as a normal means of governance, good leadership and applying strength. The weakness has let in evil. That evil has developed. Innocent people are being hurt. Innocent people, their hopes and dreams, their security, are being crushed. Not many people in this place and not many people watching this particular show on television today know what it's like to have your life in the wind, where it's here one second and gone the next. That's what those Jewish people in those communities feel. They're wondering whether they're going to make it home. Imagine your own children. They're our brothers and sisters. Israel is our friend. They still haven't got their people home. They still haven't got their daughters and sons home. There's still damage there. Those bullet holes and that bloodstained wall that I talked about are still there. Those scars will never leave. They will never heal. But the last thing we need is more damage and more evil because we simply aren't applying enough strength. And that's all I say today. Si vis pacem, para bellum; in peace, we need strength.
Tiller, Dr Jane | Statements by Members | House debates
Change rarely begins in this place. It often starts with the relentless efforts of the dedicated few who champion important causes. Today I rise to recognise one such leader of change. Dr Jane...
Change rarely begins in this place. It often starts with the relentless efforts of the dedicated few who champion important causes. Today I rise to recognise one such leader of change. Dr Jane Tiller from Monash University has been awarded Research Australia's Health and Medical Research Advocacy Award for 2024. This prestigious honour celebrates her outstanding work advocating for Australia's protection against genetic discrimination in life insurance through genetic testing. Genetic testing saves so many lives by helping to prevent, diagnose and treat heritable conditions and cancers. Yet many have avoided testing, fearing that insurers will utilise that data in order to deny coverage or increase premiums. Thanks to Dr Tiller's tireless years of advocacy, in September of this year this parliament banned the use of adverse predictive genetic tests in life insurance underwriting. From a personal perspective, I want to say to all our medical researchers that lock themselves away in laboratories until the wee hours of the morning, devoting their lives to the pursuit of outcomes for their division of science: at the end of that, there are some very real humans who are eternally grateful for your work. Well done to all our medical researchers, and well done to Dr Jane Tiller.
Valedictory | Parliamentary Representation | House debates
Finally, I guess I should close with some words about our flag and how important that is to me. It's best summed up by a story that I read about following the Great War, when some schoolkids...
Finally, I guess I should close with some words about our flag and how important that is to me. It's best summed up by a story that I read about following the Great War, when some schoolkids visited a museum and they found an old flag—a ratty and torn flag. They asked the guide from the museum what that old flag was about. He was a veteran and he had his medals on. He said to the kids, 'That isn't exactly a flag; that is called a guidon. A guidon is the battle honours that our Australian Light Horse had'—Andrew Hastie. In the military we have colours, banners, standards and guidons, and they are absolutely sacred. They are the things that the soldiers dress themselves off when they go into battle, that dictate the line of advance and the rate of advance. To lose one's colour or guidon is a fate worse than death. It's a disgrace. And these particular guidons, on 31 October 1917, were in the centre between the 4th and the 12th regiments of the Australian Light Horse, as they charged on those Turkish trenches in a place called Beersheba. They took those trenches and they took those wells and they saved literally hundreds of thousands of soldiers. And the old bloke that was in the museum looked at the kids and he said that it was simply a moth-eaten rag on a worm-eaten pole: 'Now, that does not do much to stir a man's soul. 'Tis the deeds that were done neath the moth-eaten rag, when the pole was a staff and the rag was a flag.' Look after our flag and all the customs and all the history that it contains, because it will chart a way forward. Protect those real people that I talked about, because they've got real issues. And we shouldn't be frightened to talk about them here. Finally, I want to say that I am the most humble, the most grateful and the most loyal servant of the greatest electorate of the greatest state of the greatest country in the world. And may it always be the land of the fair go. I want to thank everybody for giving me that opportunity. Thank you.
Jim was right. Jim was also a philosopher when it came to his love not only of the country but of combining that love with the defence of this nation and the national security strategy that we so...
Jim was right. Jim was also a philosopher when it came to his love not only of the country but of combining that love with the defence of this nation and the national security strategy that we so desperately need. I spoke of Jim's funeral and I spoke of the flag that covered his coffin that day. Again, that flag is enmeshed and interwoven into everything that I think about. For blokes like Jim Molan, every day of their life is spent in the preservation and the strength of that flag. I think that's why I have such a solemn focus on the power and the strength of that flag. Jim was a leader in every true sense of the word. When it comes to leaders, Peter Dutton, I see that strength in you. You have the moral compass, you have the moral strength, and you have the moral support on those benches behind you. I know you will stick up for that little girl who's too frightened to go to school just because she's Jewish, or that little Indigenous kid in Alice Springs who's too frightened to go home because dad has been on the drink and she doesn't want to be bashed or raped. It's not very nice, is it? But it's real, and it's going to take real leadership and it's going to take a real plan to fix that—and no welcome to country in this place is going to fix that. Peter, I have a lot of faith in you, and so do the people on the benches behind you.
It's an absolute honour to rise on the call. I said in my first speech that this place was a daunting place. It's still a daunting place and rightly so. The customs and traditions that surround...
It's an absolute honour to rise on the call. I said in my first speech that this place was a daunting place. It's still a daunting place and rightly so. The customs and traditions that surround this chamber remind us of the history and the very reason that we sit here in this parliament. The fact that you, Speaker, sit from an elevated position and control both sides of the argument and both sides of the debate mean that you are the fulcrum of the scales of justice when it comes to that great Australian principle of a fair go. That's what I'm about—a fair go. The fact that we all sit on an even level means that we are selected by the majority of our constituents to come from the four corners of this nation to represent them without fear or favour in this place, this fair-go place. It's important. The mace is your instrument of appointment, Speaker, with its crown pointing towards the government. Long live the Crown only once we are in government! The Australian national flag, to me, symbolises the four corners of the nation. That flag means everything to me. I will explain as I go through summing up what was important for my service not only here but in serving the nation in the Defence Force. That flag means everything to me and I look at it for daily inspiration and it gives me strength. I would like to acknowledge my colleagues today and all the help, support and friendship you have given me over the six years that I have been here. That isn't limited to only this side of the chamber. There are some decent people all over the chamber, and I want to acknowledge and recognise that. Mind you, I've seen some deadset shockers come through here! I want to recognise our leader, and I'll say more about that later. I have my family here, and that was a surprise visit. My family are up from the great state of Tasmania. Megan, thank you for bringing the kids up. Megan, you have been an incredible strength to me over the last two terms, the last six years. I'm the bloke that's been sneaking into your house late at night when the kids are asleep, sleeping on the couch and then leaving before they wake up! I want to acknowledge all spouses, or partners, because they are part of our team—the work they do, the rubbish they have to put up with time to time, the support they give us. Sometimes they live a lonely life because we live a life in pursuit of this place and our country. So, Megan, you're a deadset champion. I thank you for that. I couldn't have done it without you, Megan. Next to Megan is my son, Hamish, with the Matthew McConaughey haircut. Hamish, I'm so proud of the young man that you've become. You were just eight years old when we lost Mum, my beautiful Amanda-Jane. I stood with you at her funeral; I held you, and I've stood with you ever since. I'm proud of the young man that you've become. You know what it's like to be knocked down, but, in the great Australian spirit, Mate, you know what it's like to get back up again. Sometimes you need mates to do that, and that's important. I remember at Mum's funeral I gave you a little dove to release, mainly because you're a farm kid and you needed something to do to keep you out of mischief. As that dove flew away, I made a promise, under my breath, to the universe. I promised myself that I would never let earning money, paying the farm off and my job come between me and my family. Here I am, many years later, doing exactly that, so I'm sure everyone in this place will understand. Hamish, thank you. I'm proud of you, and I love you. Then there is little Isla. When you were born, you represented a new chapter in our lives. You're a beautiful kid. You've got a beautiful soul, and I want to acknowledge that you've had to do a lot of things and a lot of achievements at school without Dad being there. Hopefully we'll fix that from now on. I love you, Isla, and you've got a great future in front of you. Then there is little Elsie. Elsie's had a big trip. Elsie's a little determined and grumpy. She's very focused. It's marvellous what genetics do, and I'm glad she's thrown to her mother. To my family, I want to say thank you for all that you've done not only for me but for the electorate. You'd had to endure long hours. I also want to recognise my staff. I haven't had a big turnover of staff; I've had the same staff, more or less, the whole way through. Whilst it would be remiss of me to break communications security and release their call signs on an unsecure network, they know who they are, and I know who they are. More importantly, the electorate knows who they are. When we speak of staff, I want you to look at your own staff, as we go into Christmas. I want you to recognise the fact that they're on the end of those phone calls, dealing with those hurt people. We all know that hurt people can hurt. If we don't think that has some impact on our staff, then we need to think again. So I recognise all staff, and I mean that sincerely. We couldn't do it without you. You live a very necessary role in doing our job. As I said before, the customs and traditions around this place remind me of my job and my role and what is important. As I look to that flag, I look to the fly quadrant of the flag, to the Southern Cross. The Southern Cross is important. It's been our navigation tool for many tens of thousands of years. The small star in the Southern Cross is called Epsilon. It is the smallest star, but it's somewhat brighter than the others. It's actually two stars combined. It reminds me of my state of Tasmania, the smallest state. In fact Tasmania is less than two per cent of Australia's landmass. But we receive more than 13 per cent of Australia's rainfall. It's captured in 54 hydro dams, and we have 30 power stations churning away. They've been like that for more than 100 years, generating clean, efficient, reliable baseload energy. In fact, at the moment, we are exporting from the great state of Tasmania via Basslink 278 megawatts of energy. That's going into Victoria. I hope they don't waste it. The greatest determinant of any civilisation is the production of reliable and cheap energy. It attracts industry and it moves a nation forward. Our nation is at a critical juncture when it comes to the production of cheap, reliable, environmentally friendly energy in this country. Tasmania is somewhat different. Our energy needs are different to those of the rest of the country. Out of the 10,400 gigawatt hours of energy that we consume each year, about 86½ per cent comes from our hydro power stations. The remainder comes from wind and solar. We've also got a line as a backup because we're practical people down there in the great state of Tasmania. It's a line into the mainland of Australia which can import energy if we require it. We've also got a 47-petajoule gas line that comes from the mainland to Tasmania into Bell Bay. That powers our backup generator because we know that we need options. We know that we need reliability but that we also need survivability so that, when one technology doesn't work or is running low on water, we've got others to fall back on. That diversity, that technology-agnostic approach, is what I believe strongly in. We can't simply go down the ideological road of excluding one technology over another, and that technology mix will be different all over the country. We need to be smart about it, and, as the member for McPherson rightly pointed out, we need to apply some science to that. We shouldn't be frightened of new technology. We shouldn't be frightened of nuclear energy. After all, the beams of sunlight that come through that skylight up there come from a thermonuclear ball of gas in the middle of our galaxy. Have a look at how much radiation surrounds the earth, then have a look at the CSIRO report on radiation levels across the globe. The CSIRO are indeed a fantastic organisation, and the CSIRO deemed that, in my electorate of Braddon, at a place called Cape Grim, is the cleanest air on the planet. We also have the purest water, but, as I'll explain in a minute, we are also a powerhouse when it comes to the production of industry, agriculture, forestry, defence manufacturing—all these things. We are the engine room of Tasmania's economy. Yet here we are, at the same time, simultaneously, contemporaneously, having the cleanest air and the cleanest water. What does that tell me? It tells me that we can achieve that balance. Just like you, Speaker, achieve that balance of fairness across the chamber, we can achieve that with an energy mix. Balance is important. Nature believes in balance, and so do I. The electorate of Braddon is like no other. One of the reasons that I put my hand up to serve the electorate of Braddon was that I was basically fed up with previous members from all different parties right across the board talking down our region. 'We've got the highest rates of welfare. We've got comorbidity rates through the roof. This is bad. That's bad. Give us some more federal money.' As I look at my kids up there, I point out to them how bright their future can be if only they take hold of it and take that first step. It's no different with the electorate. Those young people were leaving in droves. They were moving away from our great electorate, away from our great state, to the mainland and sometimes never returning. So I started, with my great team of staff and my family, talking that region up and working hard every day to ensure that they had the enablers that they needed to make their lives and their futures better. And we did that. In my first term, Braddon received the highest amount of federal investment in its history. That didn't just go to wasted pork-barrelling; that went to roads and freight installations. It went to coolrooms. We built a university. Now I'm a bloke that left school before he turned 15. I did an apprenticeship, and then at 18 I joined the Army. They put me back through school. But I didn't just go back and finish my education. I went back and found education, and I found how transformative that was and how many doors that unlocked. I know how important education is. The University of Tasmania Cradle Coast campus was funded and built, and now it specialises in training health professionals and allied health professionals in Burnie on the north-west coast of Tasmania. It's fully subscribed. We're training RNs. We're training psychologists. We're training physiotherapists. We're training GPs through the royal college, and they work in a ward environment. I'm extremely proud of what we've been able to achieve there. We've also unlocked our great agricultural industry and our advanced manufacturing sector. On the north-west coast of Tasmania, we also have defence manufacturing down there, with Elphinstone producing the hulls for Land 400, Land 8116 and our mobile 155-millimetre Howitzer. Every day those people in my electorate are working hard. Every day those people in my electorate are taking risks, spending money and investing in themselves. Robert Gordon Menzies mentioned the forgotten people. Later on Howard called them the battlers. Morrison called them the quiet Australians. I call these people that are working hard every day the real people, and I've always called them the real people. They're the ones that I take the most notice of. They're often the ones that say the least. They rarely whinge. They rarely write a letter to the editor. They rarely stage a lobby on the lawns of Parliament House or glue themselves to some bridge somewhere. But these real people are the ones that are driving this country forward. These real people are the ones that simply roll their eyes. These real people are the ones that are getting up at three or four o'clock in the morning and producing 11 per cent of Australia's fresh milk on the north-west coast. These real people are already awake, so they don't need to be woken up by anybody from here. I mentioned at the start that we are elected here by the majority of our constituents. It frustrates me sometimes that we come to this place and we waste copious amounts of energy and time—and money for that matter because money is time—on a noisy minority. All the while, these real people are screaming for help. So my message today is: we need to start taking notice of the real people in this world, the real Australians, and applying some real solutions for them. I had the huge honour of spending two decades of my life in the Defence Force, in the Royal Australian Corps of Signals. I had the honour of serving with literally thousands of this country's best young men and women. That has indelibly shaped the way I am as a person, and I make no apologies for that. I've worked with some damn fine leaders also. So those veterans, those of us that have served, are important to me, and I'm very proud to be able to say to you today that the north-west coast now has its own wellness centre. Andrew Clarke and I served in the Army together. He was a bomb technician, an explosives expert—or he worked with explosives anyway! On exiting Defence, they said to him, 'Major Clarke, what would you like to do?' He said, 'I want to continue to help fellow human beings,' so now he's a GP. He's one of our greatest GPs. He heads up the Veteran and Family Centre in Burnie. He does a fantastic job. There we reconnect veterans to a new family, because that is absolutely important and critical when it comes to them making the transformation from the military family to their new employment. We find them a job, but you don't do that with kid gloves either. Andrew has a no-nonsense policy where veterans are required to take the first step themselves. The pity parties have ended. We say to our veterans: 'Get off the couch. Someone is always there to help you, someone will always be there to help you, but you need to take that first step.' It's working fantastically. I've always said, and I want to raise this point very strongly, that I believe the key to our veterans making a transformation from the military to their new life is through their families, because those kids are affected by that trauma that sometimes we go through in the military. Those kids need to understand why mum or dad feels the way that they do. Those kids might actually help veterans through. Andrew is working on a plan, a plan where that family moves through that treatment process and then, at the end of it, when dad or mum gets off the rails a little bit, there's nothing like a gentle reminder from a child—out of the mouths of babes—to bring you back on track pretty quickly. I learned that in that story I told you of Hamish earlier. I've had the absolute honour and privilege of also serving with many fine leaders. In my first speech here, my maiden speech, I told the story about Major General Cosgrove. We were on the border between Indonesia and East Timor in 1999 in an orders group, during INTERFET, and he got fed up with some of the staff officers. He banged the table and he said: 'I am sick to death of some of you people telling me why I can't do things. You need to start telling me how I can.' Isn't there something in that for all of us here? Those real people that I talked about, that's what they're looking for so desperately. They're not looking for excuses or laws or anything else; they just want the problem fixed. I was asked by a journalist, following the last election, whether I was Right or Left. To me, that's not how my mind works. I told the story of a lady that I know who works at Simplot, at a vegetable factory. She stands there all night sorting carrots. It was the middle of winter and she'd pulled an extra shift because they couldn't get enough people for the next shift. She did two eight-hour shifts on her feet sorting carrots. She thought about how it's going into winter and those kids needed a new winter uniform. The little girl needed a new tunic, the little boy needed a new jumper. They both needed new shoes. She got in the car after those two back-to-back shifts and drove home in the rain. The car needed new tyres. That's right, the insurance and the registration is due. That was confirmed to her when she got home to make those kids their lunches before they went to school. The magnet on the fridge wasn't strong enough to hold the bills. They all fell off and she said to me that as she's picking them up: 'I just bawled. I bawled my eyes out. Everything I touch has gone through the roof. Everything I touch makes me give up. The only thing that drives me forward is my family.' She was a real person. She had real problems. She had real issues. She had real kids. And she couldn't care less whether I, as her representative, was Right or Left. She just wanted her stuff fixed. Isn't that right? The real people of this world, I sometimes agree with Robert Menzies, they are forgotten. On this side, we know that they ought to be put front and centre once again because we really do need to start listening to them. I mentioned leaders. When I mention leadership, I describe it in three words, and they all start with the letter F—are you nervous, Mr Deputy Speaker Georganas? The three Fs that I use to describe leadership are 'firm', 'fair' and 'friendly', and you need to be all of those things in equal measure. If you are—it doesn't matter what severity you are, as long as they are equal—you'll get on in life when it comes to military leadership. It's not exclusive to military leadership. Leadership is important. I've seen many different leaders approach leadership in many different ways. One of the blokes that I want to mention and acknowledge here today is the bloke that's touched my life not only in the military but also in this place, Major General Jim Molan, or Senator Molan. I miss him every day. Jim used to talk about defending the country and he used to say that it takes more than a defence force to defend a country; it takes a country to defend a country. And ain't that coming true now! Look at the rising issue of the geopolitical situation across the Indo-Pacific, cyber grey-zone operations and state-based actors. I know from my work on the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade that we often focus on the shiny things in life—things like AUKUS, the LAND 400 and the Precision Strike Missile—but, again, I go back to the real people, because at the edge and behind and around each part of those shiny things there is a person, a highly trained individual. I've always said that you can have the very best and finest rifle in the world, but it's not until you put a well-trained, highly motivated digger on the blunt end of the thing that it turns into a lethal capability. Ain't that right, Phil Thompson?
World AMR Awareness Week, Camp Quality | Adjournment | House debates
Over this term of parliament, I've had the privilege of meeting many passionate professionals and volunteers dedicated to improving the health outcomes for all Australians are. They wake up each...
Over this term of parliament, I've had the privilege of meeting many passionate professionals and volunteers dedicated to improving the health outcomes for all Australians are. They wake up each day with one goal—that is, to make a difference to the lives of others. Tonight, I want to highlight two. Antimicrobial resistance, or AMR, occurs when bacteria, fungus, viruses and parasites become resistant to the drug's designed to kill them. This growing resistance is making infections harder to treat and poses one of the greatest threats to global public health. In Australia, AMR is linked to more than 5,000 annual deaths, a statistic that cannot be ignored. AMR threatens the very foundation of our health system, and without effective treatments, critical procedures such as surgeries, cancer chemotherapy and childbirth can become increasingly unsafe. This week marks World AMR Awareness Week, driven by the AMR network, a multistakeholder group dedicated to combating this issue. The network highlights a concerning reality that Australians lack access to many of the newest antibiotics already available in countries like the US and the UK. This gap puts patient safety at risk. The Australian government has acknowledged the severity of AMR, and I welcome the policy reforms being progressed, particularly through the health technology assessment review. However, acknowledgement isn't enough. What we need is action. We need these reforms to be implemented in order to improve access to new and effective antibiotics, to bolster research into future treatments. The time to act is now. I also want to share the inspiring work of Camp Quality and is volunteers who transform the lives of children impacted by cancer across Tasmania. Every day in Australia, two families sadly hear the devastating words, 'Your child has cancer.' Their world is immediately turned upside down, as they watch a childhood stolen and moments of joy disappear. Camp quality works tirelessly in order to give these moments back to kids, creating opportunities for fun and happy memories that aren't centred on illness. I want to acknowledge the Rotary Club of Devonport South East, which is supporting Camp Quality's Christmas party this weekend, providing lunch for those kids and their families. The club has secured Devonport's iconic Julie Burgess tall ship next year which will be transformed into a pirate ship. I'm sure the kids will have enduring memories of that experience. Camp Quality is a magical experience. Throughout community support and organisations like Rotary, Camp Quality provides camps and fun days for over 120 Tasmanian families impacted by this disease. This year, their puppet show program will visit eight schools, reaching more than 1,000 children. Their program dispels myths about cancer. It teaches kids about cancer—that it isn't contagious—and it shows them how to be more supportive around friends. I would like to recognise the extraordinary generosity of eight Tasmanians who, over the past three years, have left Camp Quality more than $1 million worth of gifts in wills. Their legacies will provide positivity, fun and laughter for families facing cancer. It is a testament to the power of community and passion. Camp Quality is changing the cancer journey for so many families, ensuring that no child in Tasmania faces cancer alone, and I encourage everyone to support the incredible work through donations or volunteering. The Australian AMR network and Camp Quality remind us of the extraordinary power, dedication and community action happening across our nation. Whether tackling the global challenge of antimicrobial resistance or bringing joy to those kids that I talked about who are affected by cancer, these efforts are making a tangible difference to so many. I commend the AMR network, Camp Quality and the countless individuals and organisations committed to improving the health and lives of all Australians. Let's continue to support and celebrate these remarkable initiatives that embody the spirit of care, compassion and innovation.
Elphinstone, Mr Dale Brendon, AO | Constituency Statements | House debates
In recognition of outstanding contributions to the mining industry and unwavering commitment to Tasmania, Dale Elphinstone in the electorate of Braddon was recently inducted into the prestigious...
In recognition of outstanding contributions to the mining industry and unwavering commitment to Tasmania, Dale Elphinstone in the electorate of Braddon was recently inducted into the prestigious United States National Mining Hall of Fame. This achievement is made even more extraordinary as he is the first inductee from outside the USA. Dale Elphinstone is indeed an incredible individual and a pioneer of the industry on the north-west coast of Tasmania. He is probably the most grounded bloke I know. He is a bloke that left school at 14 to do a diesel fitter's apprenticeship in the local Caterpillar dealership. Many years later, he owned that dealership. Some years after that, he owned all the dealerships. Through hard work, through vision and through concentrating those efforts at a target, he was able to achieve great things. The Elphinstone Group now employs more than 2,900 people internationally. They have a combined annual revenue exceeding $1.5 billion, and they operate in 10 countries. The crazy thing about all this is that this driven individual achieved all this without an arts degree. He did that with drive. He did that with determination. He did that because he prioritised what was important. And, to Dale, people are important—the people that he surrounds himself with, that he has on the production lines and that he has in his R&D. 'The process, the people and the professionalism,' he always says. He has a saying, and it's a saying that I often repeat to school graduates as I visit the schools. It goes along the lines of 'You just gotta wanna,' meaning it doesn't matter where you come from, your position in life or what you have or have not got. The point is that if you 'wanna' then you'll get there. That determination encompasses and embellishes the life of Dale Elphinstone. I congratulate him on all that he has done. He's been a great contributor in philanthropic activities along the coast, even donating an MRI machine to the local hospital. So he is a bloke that's giving back. Not only has he given back in his manufacturing process, but he has given many people the opportunities that they need. If I could sum Dale up, that saying he has, 'You just gotta wanna,' should be written on every school leaver's report card as something to achieve. Well done, Dale, and well done, the Elphinstone Group.
Endangered Species | Statements by Members | House debates
Environment Minister Plibersek has announced that she will delay a threatened species assessment on Macquarie Harbour's maugean skate for a period of 12 months. This decision prolongs the...
Environment Minister Plibersek has announced that she will delay a threatened species assessment on Macquarie Harbour's maugean skate for a period of 12 months. This decision prolongs the uncertainty for our salmon-farming industry employees, who are living with the possibility of their industry being shut down completely. The West Coast of Tasmania is buckling under the uncertainty, and it appears that this minister couldn't care less. I condemn her decision. Kicking this assessment down the road is a political strategy, not one made on science or in the best interests of Tasmania and the West Coast. The science clearly shows that the maugean skate population in Macquarie Harbour is at the same levels as it was 10 years ago. This further proves that the skate population data being asserted by green activists with the sole purpose to shut down this vital industry is flawed. Delaying this assessment and the linked EPBC review decision simply allows Minister Plibersek to shield Labor in Tasmania from pushback from Tasmania's salmon workers and the industry in order to shore up votes across inner-city, mainland electorates. It's a year since Minister Plibersek started this unnecessary process, and now families on the West Coast face yet another Christmas with their futures in limbo. The West Coast deserves better than this Labor government is delivering them.
Communications Legislation Amendment (Combatting Misinformation and Disinformation) Bill 2024; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
The principle of the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth should underpin everything we do here. The fact that you sit here in the centre of this chamber, Deputy Speaker Vasta, from...
The principle of the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth should underpin everything we do here. The fact that you sit here in the centre of this chamber, Deputy Speaker Vasta, from an elevated position, with a degree of authority, indicates that you are not here to be the arbiter of one side or the other but that you are to represent a fair and honest debate without fear or favour. That is a role that you, personally, take very seriously. I know you do, as do most of our deputy speakers. The flags that adorn this chamber are representative of our great and free country that many men and women have given their lives for in one way or another. Some may not have directly died in defence of that democracy, but they have given their lives in the pursuit of that democratic power and that principle that we have as a country. It's something that is near and dear to my heart. I believe in protecting our hard-fought freedoms, and the right to free speech is one of our most cherished. It's not a freedom that we've won lightly. It stands on the sacrifices of generations of men and women who have given everything to protect it. They stood up, unwavering, against those who would strip it away from us. Their courage has afforded us the right to live, to think and to speak freely. It's our duty to honour their legacy, this principle, and to fiercely protect these rights for the generations who follow. We cannot yield. We cannot allow a backwards step. The consequences would be deeply troubling for a nation that prides itself on that democracy and those principles. For those of us who hold freedom of speech dear, the Communications Legislation Amendment (Combatting Misinformation and Disinformation) Bill 2024 is deeply troubling at best. It represents a line that we cannot, as a nation, afford to cross. It is a bill that, simply, is an attack on our right to speak freely and to think freely. It's an attack on our right to hear the voices of our fellow Australians and to engage in ideas even when they're uncomfortable and even when they're controversial. It's an attack on our right to make informed choices for ourselves. The government is proposing that the Australian Communications and Media Authority, or ACMA, be granted sweeping powers to oversee or to penalise digital platforms. ACMA would be authorised to decide if digital platforms have taken 'adequate steps' to control misinformation and disinformation. If a platform's actions are deemed inadequate, they could face significant fines of up to five per cent of their global revenue. Imagine the pressure that this would place on companies, effectively forcing them to police or to censor or to change what Australians can say online simply to avoid financial ruin. This power is a slippery slope. To avoid punishment, platforms are likely to overcorrect—to silence far more of the content than is necessary in order to comply. When we restrict speech to such a degree, we deny Australians the right to voice their views freely. One of the fundamental issues here is the broad and vague language around what constitutes misinformation. Under this bill, misinformation doesn't have to be deliberately false or malicious. It simply has to be reasonably verifiable as misleading and potentially able to cause serious harm. But serious harm, in itself, is undefined in any meaningful way. The reason robust societies protect the open exchange of ideas is important. History has shown us that censoring opinions or dismissing them as harmful ends badly for a society. It leads to a climate of fear, to a reluctance to share ideas and, ultimately, to a society that is less capable of growth or resilience. In this digital age Australians aren't just sharing photos or news. They're exchanging ideas to critique the decisions of those in power and to stand up for what they believe in. This bill risks silencing all of that. It's telling Australians, 'You can speak, but only if you toe the government line and you say what we like.' The impact of this bill extends far beyond the online world. Consider the communications minister's power to initiate misinformation investigations or hearings under this bill. The minister would have the authority to direct ACMA to investigate digital platforms or order public hearings. The only restriction on this power is that it cannot be directed at a single end user. Beyond that, the minister can decide the terms of those investigations. This is a sweeping and deeply concerning power, one that could be misused to influence debate or silence critics under the guise of controlling so-called misinformation. If that isn't enough cause for concern, the bill includes further exemptions that highlight a double standard. Academics, scientists, artists and even satirical commentary are all protected under this legislation, but ordinary Australians aren't. That is a double standard that I cannot live with. In other words, the government's saying those who are deemed to be professionals or who create content within approved spheres are allowed freedom of speech. However the rest of us are expected to stay within the bounds of the government's deemed definition of 'safe'. This distinction is one that fundamentally undermines the principle of equal free speech for all Australians, irrespective of their position in society. It doesn't end there. Professional news content produced by mainstream media is also exempt from this legislation. So if a major newspaper publishes an article with a particular viewpoint, it is safe from being labelled as misinformation. But if ordinary Australians do the same, then it could be considered under this bill. It's not fair. This two-tiered system essentially suggests that mainstream media is more credible than the voices of Australians. That's not right. This puts professional journalists in a separate category—many of us may consider they are already—shielding them from the rules that could restrict their content on personal platforms. But it does not protect the average Australian sharing the same information. This is an approach that does not respect Australians, their intelligence or their right to engage in a variety of opinions. This bill also extends ACMA's powers significantly, allowing it to demand documents and information from individuals associated with digital platforms. The penalties for failing to comply are harsh. The powers that cast a wide net will create a culture of fear that discourages robust and honest discussion. My key responsibility in this place is to fiercely, honestly and succinctly represent the views of those living across my electorate. This is a responsibility that I take very seriously. Therefore it's no surprise that the response to this bill in my electorate has been swift and significant. I've received phone calls and emails. People have stopped me in the street. People are angry. Here's what some of them have said. Laszlo Faludi from Ulverston said: As a swing voter, the threat to democracy posed by this bill is alarming. I value my freedom to post online and fear that this legislation will severely restrict it. The threat to freedom of speech, the looming censorship, and the increased powers of the government, particularly the ACMA, are issues that cannot be ignored. The potential consequences of this bill on public discourse and the open exchange of ideas are troubling. Lynn Dunhan from Spreyton said: It is essential that we protect our democratic values and ensure that legitimate concerns and differing opinions are not silenced by government intervention. I agree with you, Lynn. Stuart Greig from Penguin told me: I have even less faith in ACMA's ability to oversee such powers in a balanced manner than I do in the sincerity of the proponents. I'm with you, Stuart, on that one. He went on to say: Australia does not need a Ministry of Truth— well said— particularly not one staffed by Canberra ideologues. It is always disappointing when government believes the answer lies in more legislation and regulation. Repealing legislation or reducing government interference is never an option apparently. Paul Jacques from Wynyard said: The broad definitions of misinformation and serious harm, coupled with severe penalties for non-compliance, are likely to result in over-censorship on digital platforms. Wayne Spradbury from Trial Harbour said: I urge you to reconsider the impact of this bill on our democracy and the fundamental right to freedom of expression. It is essential that any measures to combat misinformation and disinformation are balanced, transparent, and respectful of individual liberties. Tony Downey from Leith said: The definitions of misinformation and serious harm in this bill are overly broad and vague, leading to a high risk of over-censorship. Anne Brewer from Ulverstone simply said: Isn't this what China does? I think you're onto something, Anne. That list goes on—lists of legitimate complaints and concerns. People are deeply troubled and angry. This government doesn't seem to get that. This is a bill, at its core, that is supposed to be about preventing harm. It's about control. It's about so-called standards. The good thing about standards is there are so many standards to choose from. Which one do we choose? The Albanese government wants to decide what Australians can see, what they can say and, ultimately, what they can think. This approach is fundamentally at odds with the values of free and open democracy. Australia does not need a government approved version of the truth. We need a population equipped with critical thinking skills, a society that encourages open debate and a culture that allows its people to question authority without fear. This bill is a misguided attempt to solve a problem that can't be solved through censorship. Australians deserve to be heard. Australians deserve to hear from each other. Australians don't deserve to be silenced. We can't silence anybody; it hurts all. It takes away our chance for debate, to question and to grow. Speaker, if you haven't gleaned it already, my position's fairly clear. The coalition's position is fairly clear. The voices of my electorate are very clear. I vigorously oppose this bill and the Albanese government's attempt to tell Australians what they can and cannot say. Freedom of speech is not just a right. It is at the foundation of our country, and we must hold it dear. For 20 years of my life, I held a rifle in defence of this country, under that flag that I talked about earlier. I was in a corps—the Royal Australian Corps of Signals. On our badge is Mercury, the Roman runner of the gods. In his hand, he has the caduceus, intertwined with two serpents. Those serpents and that caduceus indicate truth. We are required in the military, in the signal corps, to deliver the truth irrespective of the content. That person that receives that message might not like the content, but the validity of that content is important. If we go changing that, if we go censoring that and if we go changing the context of that, then people die. I'm very fearful as I stand here, should this bill look anywhere near passing, that our democracy will die with it. I condemn this bill.
Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Bill 2024; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
It's an honour today to speak in relation to the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Bill 2024. In doing so, I want to outline some of the scope of...
It's an honour today to speak in relation to the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Bill 2024. In doing so, I want to outline some of the scope of the bill, but I also want to detail some of the other issues and some of the other implications that I see that we could possibly include as we approach our service to our veterans. The objective of the VETS Bill is to simplify and to harmonise the legislation governing the rehabilitation and compensation for veterans. Currently, there are three separate acts for this. They all operate to provide entitlements, compensation and rehabilitation support to our veterans. I enlisted in the Australian Army in 1985, and I discharged at the end of 2004. I am covered by all three of these acts. Let me tell you that it's confusing at best. Currently, as I said, there are three separate acts. Let's go through them in more detail. Firstly, we have the Veterans' Entitlements Act 1986, the VEA. Secondly, we have the Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-related Claims) Act 1988, the DRCA. Finally, we have the Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Act 2004, MRCA. These three acts are over 2,000 pages. They are complex and they include more than 850 legislative instruments. They are confusing at best. I take my hat off to all our advocates, out there in veterans' worlds today, all across the country doing great work with our veterans, not only supporting them and guiding them through this legislation but also providing that helping hand and providing that mateship that takes that veteran through that process. I want to acknowledge that, and I want to thank them today on behalf of a grateful nation. Our advocates do a great job. This bill that we're dealing with today applies all of these three to try and simplify the process to make it simpler for our veterans. I'm not going into the detail; I think it's already been detailed enough. Instead, I want to run through some of the issues that I see that could have been included. They are possibly missed opportunities or future opportunities, if you like, that we could consider. I consider the bill, even in its revised state, to be dealing with illness rather than wellness. I think that if we are to deal with and tackle the issue of getting our veterans to make the transition from the big family that is the military into a new family which is civilian life and maybe a job or another worthwhile vocation, then we need to have that wellness focus. Secondly, the military, whether it be in Navy, the Army or the Air Force, is a big family. I don't have the words to explain the bond that we have in the service of arms. That mateship that everyone talks about—I can tell you now that it's a real thing. Many ask me what I miss from my 20 years of service in the Army. I don't miss the Army, and I don't think the Army misses me, but I do miss the certain look that a digger gives you. What I mean by that is that there's a look of absolute trust. It can't be replicated. It can't be forged. It's a very genuine look, when you know damn well that they've placed their life in your hands. They get that look when you put them in danger, and the stronger the danger the more acute that is and the stronger this look is. It's that look that I miss. It's that trust that I miss. It's that bond that I miss. I was a senior soldier in my unit, as a warrant officer. My job was to make sure that they did the right thing. I was the enforcer of the military discipline system. If they did the wrong thing, I kicked them in the backside—I really did. I was hard on them. I made sure that they followed their mission. I made sure that they cleaned their rifle, that they followed their SAPs and all the rest of it. But I was also the bloke that stood in front of them when someone was picking on and when someone was trying to take advantage of them. I stood in front of them and I protected them. That's what diggers do. Honestly, in this place, I can pride myself today in saying that I always stuck up for my diggers. I will continue to stick up for them for the rest of my life. I mean that very sincerely. When it comes to the delineation and the difference between an illness and wellness, I think no better example could be given than a project that we've got up in the north-west coast of Tasmania. It's called the north-west Veterans' and Families' Centre. It encompasses all those words, and it really underpins the very viability of this organisation. It's headed up by a bloke I served with—a guy who's a former major, ammunition technician, bomb expert, called Andrew Clarke. When he exited from Defence, they said, 'What do you want to do, Major Clarke, as you exit and go into civilian life?' He said: 'I want to be a GP. I want to continue to help people but in a different vein.' He's now one of the best general practitioners that we have on the north-west coast. He heads up that north-west Veterans' and Families' Centre. He and a lady called Jo Lovell, who's a former Navy officer, are doing a fantastic job. The focus at the north-west Veterans' and Families' Centre isn't on illness. Yes; he's a doctor. He treats that. He supports that. He guides the veteran through that. But, more so, it's on wellness. It's on prevention. At the centre of this is family. I talked earlier, if you recall, about the Defence Force being a big family and the bond that exists. I gave you an example of that. When a veteran is discharged from the Defence Force, be it of their own fruition or, like in my case, through medical discharge, then you feel as if, in your heart and soul, that you are excluded from that tribe—from that family. You have no tribe, and some wander aimlessly. Some wander for the rest of their lives if they don't find a new tribe. Our job, Defence's job, parliament's job, Australia's job is to reconnect them to a new family. The only way that we can do that—the best and the most effective way that we can do that—is through their family, their immediate family. We can bang on about veterans all we like; I get that. But if we don't include the family, then that's all they've got. To that end—and I'll give you an example of this—there's also another doctor that helps me out. He's a clinical psychiatrist in Hobart. His name is Dr Jon Lane. He is, as far as I'm concerned—I'm pretty sure I'm right when I say this—the only clinical psychiatrist in Australia that has served in combat as a doctor in Afghanistan. He knows what he's talking about. He's been through the ringer. He's been shot at, and he's helping others. We are developing a program down there. Currently our veterans have to leave the great state of Tasmania in order to receive acute care for PTSD. Patients need to go to Greensborough hospital in ward 17. They dread that. They go there without their families. They do a six-week program. They are given drugs to make them sleep. Some of them haven't slept for years. When they exit that, they're back into their family life again. The family doesn't necessarily know where they've been or what they've been subjected to. What we want to do is to build a facility, a home—imagine something like a Ronald McDonald house—where the families can go. Jon Lane has developed a program which deals with the families as well. Those kids need to know why mum or dad feels the way that they do. That intergenerational trauma that's subjected down into the children needs to be dealt with. They take the family through that program. At the end of it, that family is the one that reinforces the skills, the knowledge and the attitude that's learnt on this treatment program. It's a beautiful system. That family focus is something that isn't talked about often, but I believe it's the key that will unlock the future for veterans. Along with that, they need a purpose. We have a very clear, succinct mission focus in the Army, in the Navy and in the Air Force. The mission focus isn't necessarily there once we exit. We need to reconnect them to a new purpose, to a new way of life and to a new goal. We need to maintain their self-confidence and their pride. Employment will do that. I think there's not enough focus being put on not only employment for the veteran and the acknowledgment of the unique set of skills, knowledge and attitude that they've developed over their careers in the military and how they can integrate and cross over into civilian life but also the spouse and whether they are happy and employed and have a purpose. So we need to also look at employment for the spouse and schooling for the children. They may have special needs and all the rest of it, but the family is at the centre of this. I wish, I pray and I make the point strongly today that families are at the centre of that integration, in going from being military families to new civilian families. I want to acknowledge today all those veterans that are doing it tough—support is out there. One of the things that gets under my skin is when people often feel sorry for our veterans. They pity them. Let me tell everybody today: please, do not pity our veterans. They don't deserve our pity; they deserve our respect. The pity parties have got to stop. Life on the couch has got to end. That individual, be it whoever, needs to get off that couch. There is always support there and there is always someone that will help you, but you need to take that first step yourself. That support will never go away. It will always remain—a bit like what I said at the very start, when I first stood up here. I said I will never forget them and I'll never stop supporting them. So we need to also remember that—that support will always be there. That takes much of the load away. Finally, as I close, there's not only one thing that gets under my skin; there are several. The other issue that I want to raise today is that not always do veterans know the path that they need to take. That needs to be subtly put across. They need to be guided and they need to be treated with respect. Pity and respect are two things that should never be mixed. We wouldn't do it in the military, so why would we do it anywhere else? I want to thank all our young Australians. I've had the unique privilege of working with literally some of Australia's most gifted, motivated, professional, smart and driven young Australians. I've worked for some of the best military leaders anywhere in the world. I'm not going to name them, but that experience changes you and changes your life. There's not a day, particularly in this place—even as I stand here—when I'm not using skills that I picked up during my 20 years of service. Finally, not every veteran does it tough either, so I don't want the business world out there in Australia, across the country, to think that employing a veteran will cause trouble or give grief. Employing a veteran is good for your business. Employing a veteran will help your business, and it will help those around them. So I think we should tell more good stories as well, because there are far more good stories than bad. A young bloke knocked on my door not long ago. I hadn't seen him since I served. He was one of my electronic warfare corporals. I said, 'Stretty, what are you doing?' He said, 'I've invented a thing called an electromagnetic pulse countermeasure technology for geo-orbital satellite technology, and I've got a Defence contract.' They're the stories that we need to tell. That transferable knowledge and those skills are helping that bloke, and he's had some help along the way. This bill will help them. This bill will simplify the process. We, as a collective, as a parliament, can make that happen seamlessly, but I want to remember and I want to raise those other points that I raised about family, about wellness and about looking forward. As far as I'm concerned, we can't be looking down, because, if you look down, you'll fall over.
Genetic Screening | Private Members' Business | House debates
I move: That this House: (1) notes that: (a) investment in equitable access to disease prevention is critical to tackle the major diseases of our time such as cancer and heart disease; (b)...
I move: That this House: (1) notes that: (a) investment in equitable access to disease prevention is critical to tackle the major diseases of our time such as cancer and heart disease; (b) genetic screening provides a novel opportunity for disease prevention, especially screening for genetic risk factors for certain types of hereditary cancer and heart disease that manifest in early adulthood; (c) identifying people with medically actionable genetic risk for certain diseases can allow at risk individuals to take steps to reduce risk or in some cases, avoid developing disease altogether; (d) in Australia, funded testing for these genetic risk factors is only available to individuals who meet narrow criteria, usually only after a person develops symptoms of disease, and this criteria-based testing fails to identify most high-risk individuals in the population, who remain unaware of their risk and are unable to access preventive measures until it is too late; (e) investment in prevention will save significant downstream healthcare costs, as well as saving lives and improving the health of at-risk Australians; and (f) the costs of genetic testing have decreased considerably, and health economic modelling now suggests it would be cost-effective in the Australian health system to offer DNA screening to all adults for such genetic risk factors, as part of a population screening program; (2) acknowledges that: (a) in August 2022, Monash University launched DNA Screen, a study funded by the Medical Research Future Fund and led by Professor Paul Lacaze and Dr Jane Tiller, which aimed to test 10,000 young adults (18 to 40 years of age) for genetic high risk of developing certain types of cancer (breast, ovarian, colorectal and others) and heart disease, that can be prevented or identified and treated early; (b) the study was extremely popular, with almost 10,000 people registering their interest in the first 24 hours of the study launch, and over 30,000 people registering interest to date; (c) the study has now completed testing of 10,263 young adults, finding 202 individuals at high, medically actionable risk of developing cancer or heart disease, and three in four of those high-risk people would not have qualified for reimbursed genetic testing; and (d) in May 2024, the Senate Standing Committee on Community Affairs' inquiry into equitable access to diagnosis and treatment for individuals with rare and less common cancers specifically noted the potential of genetic testing for prevention and the high level of public interest and engagement in the DNA Screen study, and recommended that 'the outcomes of the study should be monitored closely, and that further investment to gauge the effectiveness and appropriateness of such screening programs should be explored further'; (3) recognises the: (a) strain that population DNA screening could place on the current downstream risk management pathways; and (b) need for genetics services and the health system to be prepared for population-scale DNA screening; and (4) calls on the Government to: (a) consider the urgent need to leverage the preventive potential of genomic testing for adults at high, medically actionable risk of developing conditions such as cancer and heart disease; and (b) fund the next stage of DNA Screen to scale up testing for these medically actionable conditions, test the feasibility of a population-wide screening program, and develop and test methods for the delivery of downstream care and risk management at scale. Our nation's health statistics are confronting. Our world-class health professionals are working tirelessly, yet patients still struggle to get the treatment they so desperately need. Today we are honoured to have Professor Jane Tiller, an expert in her field, with us in the gallery—welcome to the good professor. It's time to rethink our approach to health care and to consider one that focuses on prevention and the early identification of risk factors before disease manifests. Today I wish to update the House on the potential of preventative genomic testing in reducing disease burdens across the entire country—a shift from a reactive to a proactive form of health care. Genomic testing analyses a person's DNA in order to identify genetic predispositions to certain diseases. For high-risk individuals and their families, having this information early can be lifesaving. It would allow the time to take preventative actions—for instance, regular monitoring or early treatment or, in some cases, even preventative surgery. This would lead to not only better outcomes and fewer hospitalisations but also a significant reduction in long-term healthcare costs. The case for increased investment in preventative health care has never been more pressing. Currently, only about two per cent of Australia's healthcare budget is directed towards preventative measures. This contrasts with potential savings from early detection. Genomic testing offers promising investment opportunities for that investment, particularly for conditions such as cancer and heart disease, which have significant health and economic impacts. Limiting funding restricts genomic testing to a narrow post-symptom criteria, yet genomic testing's greatest advantage is the identification well before that. The current criteria-based approach is failing to identify our most high-risk individuals, leaving them unaware and without access to preventative measures. This results in lives consumed by poor health, deaths that could have been prevented and heartache for families for those that lose loved ones. But we could change the scenario. We have the access to this technology that could save lives. The DNA Screen study led by Monash University is a recent example of genomic testing's incredible potential. The study screened more than 10,000 young adults for genetic risks linked to cancer and heart disease. It revealed that three-quarters of those identified as high-risk would not have qualified for funded testing under the current criteria—that's three in four who are missing out. This highlights a critical gap in our health system that the government has an opportunity to address. The biggest fear associated with DNA testing is whether life insurance companies can discriminate based on these results. I welcome the government's legislative ban announced in September—this would ensure Australians can undergo genetic testing without insurance concerns. That legislation hasn't been introduced as yet but, hopefully, we will see that in the near future. The Senate Standing Committee on Community Affairs has also recognised the potential of genetic testing, and recommended monitoring of the outcomes of the DNA Screen study, which also explores future investment in population-scale genomic testing and screening. We should heed this call. By expanding genomic testing and making it accessible to a broader population we can detect these diseases earlier, manage risks proactively and save lives. At the same time, we need to prepare our health system in order to meet the increased demand that population-wide genetic screening will bring. We must strengthen the infrastructure for downstream services and risk management in order to ensure that high-risk individuals receive timely and appropriate care. Adult preventative genomic testing represents a significant opportunity. I mentioned the Monash study. Of the 10,000 participants, 24 were from my electorate of Braddon, and one of the 202 high-risk individuals lives in our region. Disease does not discriminate. This investment shifts us from reactive to preventative care, empowering individuals to take control of their health. I call on the government to implement— (Time expired)
Variety TasBash | Statements by Members | House debates
The north-west, the west coast and King Island are chock-a-block full of unsung heroes. They're everywhere, tirelessly helping those in need. Usually, they work quietly behind the scenes without...
The north-west, the west coast and King Island are chock-a-block full of unsung heroes. They're everywhere, tirelessly helping those in need. Usually, they work quietly behind the scenes without fanfare, except when the Tassie bash comes to town. What's not to love about buying an old car and giving that car a decent whimsical dose of Wick'ety Wack, driving around Tassie with your mates and raising money for kids in need? Another great charity is Rapid Relief Tasmania. They pulled out all the stops with breakfast, hot coffee, fresh fruit and egg-and-bacon sangers when the bashers visited Penguin pitstop recently. The bashers visited Forth Primary School, Boat Harbour, Smithton, Redpa Primary School and the North West Support School. I've got no doubt that their visit made those kids' year. It absolutely did. Knowing somebody is out there thinking of them is often enough. So TasBash 2024 is a wrap—1,230 kilometres, 15 themed cars, dozens of passionate bashers and over $283,000 raised for Tasmanian kids. There's no doubt charities like Variety and RRT are making the country better. I can't thank them enough and all our great charities enough for all that they do.
Aged Care Bill 2024; Second Reading | Bills | House debates
We all want our older Australians to have the care that they deserve and that they so desperately need. We all want equity in our aged-care system. The care that you receive should not be...
We all want our older Australians to have the care that they deserve and that they so desperately need. We all want equity in our aged-care system. The care that you receive should not be determined by your postcode. It should not be determined by whether you live in a remote region or in the middle of a city. Every single Australian, irrespective of where they live or their situation, should be able to seek their own pathway into retirement clearly and be able to look forward with confidence, not fear, to how they will live in their later years. Unfortunately, that's not always the case in today's aged-care system, so it is beholden on government to do better—much, much better. Our goal as a parliament must be to create a world's-best-practice model of care when it comes to our older Australians. That's the only benchmark that our older Australians deserve, and it's a model of care we must start delivering immediately, forthwith. This cannot wait. The new Aged Care Bill 2024 will replace the existing aged-care laws, including the Aged Care Act 1997 and the Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission Act 2018. The introduction of the bill follows the release of the exposure draft of the Aged Care Bill on 14 December 2023 and the Final report of the Aged Care Taskforce on 12 March 2024. The bill will cover all aged-care and home-care services that are funded by the Commonwealth. The primary aim of this bill is to simplify the aged-care sector. It moves it away from being far too complex to navigate to being a system that tries to remove the stress involved in transitioning into this phase of one's life. For its part, the coalition has worked tirelessly for six months with the government, in good faith, in order to progress the bill. But, to be clear, this bill represents Labor's reform package, and this has not been a co-design process. We have fought hard to make amendments where we believed that changes were necessary, and we have achieved significant changes throughout this process—changes that will ensure that the dignity of older Australians is at the front and centre of our policymaking agenda, and changes that will ensure that no Australian is penalised because of their geographical location, cultural background or financial position. The aged-care sector is growing exponentially when it comes to funding for aged care. In 2021-22, the government spent $24.8 billion on aged-care services for around 1.2 million people. In the next 40 years, there will be around 3.5 million Australians over 80 years of age. This will mean that the cost of providing residential and home-care services will continue to rise exponentially for the foreseeable future. We will need to see at least 10,000 new beds opened each year for the next two decades in order to keep up with that demand. This is an unprecedented challenge for the sector as a whole, which is currently not profitable as it stands today. The Aged Care Taskforce report highlighted that 69 per cent of residential aged-care providers made an operating loss in the year 2021-22. The report stated: Unless the aged care sector's financial viability improves, it will be difficult to attract investment, either as debt or equity. Improved financial viability is necessary to deliver improvements in service, quality and to address service gaps. The bill proposes significant changes in how aged care is funded. Government funding currently constitutes around 75 per cent of the total cost of residential aged care and around 95 per cent of home-care funding. The Aged Care Taskforce noted in their report that this was 'not an optimal or fair mix'. Their recommendation was that the participant co-contribute an increased amount in order to make this sustainable. This is a recommendation that government has adopted. Of significant concern to us, as the coalition, was the retrospective nature of Labor's bill and Labor's proposal. If it had been implemented, Labor would have placed significant financial penalties on those who are already in aged care. All aged-care residents and their loved ones would have planned for their retirement in good faith, based on the arrangements that they had prior to making that arrangement. They shouldn't be penalised for this. That's why the coalition negotiated so hard for the government to adopt a grandfathering arrangement for those already in aged care. The coalition has advocated on behalf of older Australians who are currently in the aged-care system, to guarantee that they will not pay one cent more for their aged care during their lifetime, and we've been successful in bringing about changes to this bill. Anyone in residential care when reforms begin on 1 July 2025 will be exempt from the fee restructure. This will also be the case for anyone who was on the waiting list for home care on Thursday 12 September—the day of the package being announced. When it comes to older Australians in the bush in regional and rural Australia—this is particularly pertinent to my own electorate—older people living in rural, regional and remote Australia face significant challenges and barriers when accessing aged care. Disproportionately, older people living in rural Australia experience delays in accessing aged care or simply do not receive the aged care that they need or deserve. This leads to increased frailty, to functional decline, to increased hospitalisation and to premature entry into residential aged care. It's heartbreaking to see families pulled apart from their loved ones when they must relocate to communities hours away, making it difficult for connections. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples represent a higher proportion of people living in remote Australia. However, the number of older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples accessing aged care in remote areas is low. This indicates that there's a lack of culturally safe and appropriate aged care on country, where they live and where their communities are. There are significant workforce shortages in rural Australia also, and attracting and retaining an appropriately skilled and multidisciplined aged-care workforce is exponentially difficult. Higher operating costs, workforce shortages, travelling distances and smaller population sizes limit economies of scale in remote areas, creating unique challenges for the provision of aged care in the bush. This is a snapshot of life in the bush, and this bill must address the current inequities between the capacity to provide aged care in the city and in the bush. That's why the coalition fought to ensure Labor understood the realities of living life on the land, in the bush and in the regions. Our advocacy for regional and remote communities ensured that the bill now contains an additional $300 million for infrastructure funding for those regions. This funding stream will be available through the ongoing Aged Care Capital Assistance Program that funds regional, rural and remote aged-care providers. This funding is critical for upgrading facilities that often struggle to meet the necessary standards due to fiscal and financial constraints. Older Australians will now have better access to quality and safe aged-care services, regardless of where they live, and that's only right. The bill's specific provisions for regional areas will also include an investment of $600 million in Support at Home, as part of a $5.6 billion aged-care reform package. This funding will be available for eligible Support at Home providers from 1 July 2025, and the grants will benefit people with diverse backgrounds and life events, while supporting service stability in rural and remote Australia. Introducing criminal penalties into the bill was a promise Labor made. This included jail time on what they termed as 'dodgy aged-care providers' who were negligent or who mistreated residents. This was not a recommendation put forward by the royal commission, and it's simply another example of this government's heavy-handedness and naivety when it comes to the regulation of the industry. Labor's proposal has been described as terrifying by those in the industry. That is the last thing we want when we are trying to attract good people to the industry. The coalition's position on criminal penalties has always been clear. We have responded to recommendations of the royal commission, we have listened to the aged-care sector, and what they told us time and time again was that it will force highly capable staff from the sector in fear of being criminally punished. It will do nothing to improve safety. We would see an exodus from the industry at a level not seen before and not seen by any other industry if these were to continue. Of course the coalition supports the need for older Australians to be safe and be cared for in our aged-care system. However, in the middle of a severe workforce crisis Labor's plan was heavy-handed, it was an approach that was not needed and it imposed an unacceptable risk in our opinion. The threat of jail time if the last thing that aged-care workers and volunteers need as they work hard to care for older Australians in their care. We were non-negotiable on this issue and were pleased that Labor listened and were able to remove this from the provision of the bill. Moving through the aged-care process should not be traumatic; it should be as seamless as possible. We want an aged-care system that is driven by the desires and expectations of our older Australians, models that reflect the way they want to live in aged care. For that to occur, aged care must be sustainable. The coalition will work continually with older Australians and the aged-care providers to ensure this model is fit for purpose and robust enough to ensure the support of future generations as they age. As I close, I want to also mention something that is not in the report. As I travel around my electorate and visit my aged-care providers, it takes me about two minutes to work out as soon as I walk inside the door what the culture of the place is like. You can see it in the eyes and in the faces of those in the aged-care home. Nine times out of 10 it is a positive place and our older Australians love being there. That is not mentioned. That culture, that leadership, that care, that empathy, that understanding, that respect that we want for every single aged-care home throughout all the states and territories must be at the centre of every piece of legislation. We must refer to that and reinforce that and encourage that because that is what makes an aged-care facility a home. After all, that is what older Australians expect and deserve. They need a home and they need someone to respect them.
Tasmania: Agriculture Industry | Statements by Members | House debates
In Queenstown, on Tasmania's rugged West Coast, they're so tough they play footy on gravel, not grass. The football ground is actually gravel. It has a reputation of being the most feared ground...
In Queenstown, on Tasmania's rugged West Coast, they're so tough they play footy on gravel, not grass. The football ground is actually gravel. It has a reputation of being the most feared ground in Australia—the home of the mighty Queenstown Crows. This year, the Crows raised the trophy at the Darwin Football Association 2024 premiers. Unless you live in the bush, unless you live in that region, you can't comprehend how important our sporting clubs are to our valuable communities, and you wouldn't know that often these communities rely on just one or two industries to keep them going. If they lose one, it's simply devastating. That's what's happening on the West Coast, because the Albanese government refuses to support the two key industries in their region—mining and agriculture. Since day one, Labor has refused to make a decision on MMG's tailing facility at South Marionoak. They've done everything they can to shut down Macquarie Harbour and the agricultural industry. I promise the West Coast that a Liberal government will do whatever it takes to ensure the ongoing viabilities of these two valuable industries because, unlike Labor, we get what communities need. We understand how important they are. Welcome to those from Keep the Sheep up there in the gallery. Out of my Burnie Port, 843,000 fat lambs are sent live to Victoria each year. Well done on your efforts today—it's good to see you.
Braddon Electorate: Environmental Approvals | Constituency Statements | House debates
The Albanese government's list of broken promises to the electorate of Braddon and the great state of Tasmania is long, but it's getting longer. The local Labor representative says she is...
The Albanese government's list of broken promises to the electorate of Braddon and the great state of Tasmania is long, but it's getting longer. The local Labor representative says she is 'building a better Braddon'. But nothing is being built thanks to this government. Business owners are telling me loud and clear that things are pretty bleak. Labor has created a cost-of-living crisis—and a cost-of-doing-business crisis, which often isn't talked about. No industry in Braddon is safe from its economic wrecking ball, and its mantra appears to be 'delay, delay, delay'—to kick things down the road. When it comes to approvals through the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999, the EPBC Act: on Tasmania's West Coast, the mineral epicentre of Tasmania, Minister Plibersek refuses to provide certainty for salmon farming in Macquarie Harbour. The minister's inaction is impacting the entire community right across the West Coast and threatening the state's salmon industry. There's no scientific evidence that demonstrates the removing of aquaculture from Macquarie Harbour—which is seven times the size of Sydney Harbour—will ensure the future of the maugean skate. It's dishonest to lay the blame at the feet of the salmon industry, and it's time for this unnecessary EPBC process to end. Go just an hour up the road to the Rosebery MMG mine; they continue to wait for Minister Plibersek to make a decision on their critical tailings dam facility at South Marionoak as an alternative storage option for their fast-reaching capacity. Years of delay and a lack of leadership are risking the livelihoods of 550 workers. That's 550 families. Just above that is Robbins Island, where wind farm proponents are waiting for, guess what, an EPBC approval. They're kicking it down the road. This would be a massive boost for renewable energy in the great state. It will provide clean energy for tens of thousands of homes, create hundreds of jobs and drive billions of dollars of economic development in our region. The project has undergone some of the most rigorous approvals in the world. It's time to get it done. Let these industries know how they can move forward. Located within the recently announced North West Renewable Energy Zone, the project is situated perfectly to feed into the proposed Marinus Link and the North West Transmission Developments upgrade. The Albanese government should be giving this priority. The only thing you can trust about this government is that they will continue to stifle Braddon's economic prosperity. I call on the respective ministers to look after and to prosecute the expedience of these approvals for these valuable industries in the great state of Tasmania.